The Prophecy of Melkin

Insula auallonis auida funere paganorum, pre ceteris in orbe ad sepulturam eorum omnium sperulis propheciae vaticinantibus decorata, & in futurum ornata erit altissimum laudantibus. Abbadare, potens in Saphat, paganorum nobilissimus, cum centum et quatuor milibus domiicionem ibi accepit. Inter quos ioseph de marmore, ab Armathia nomine, cepit sompnum perpetuum; Et iacet in linea bifurcata iuxta meridianum angulum oratori, cratibus praeparatis, super potentem adorandam virginem, supradictis sperulatis locum habitantibus tredecim. Habet enim secum Ioseph in sarcophago duo fassula alba& argentea, cruore prophete Jhesu & sudore perimpleta. Cum reperietur eius sarcofagum, integrum illibatum in futuris videbitur, & erit apertum toto orbi terrarium. Ex tunc aqua, nec ros coeli insulam nobilissimam habitantibus poterit deficere. Per multum tempus ante diem Judioialem in iosaphat erunt aperta haec, & viventibus declarata.

The Isle of Avalon, greedy for the death of pagans, more than the rest of the world, for the entombment of them all, decorated beyond all others by the spheres of portentous prophecy. In the future, adorned shall it be by them that praise the Most High. Abbadare mighty in Saphat, noblest of pagans, has found sleep with 104 other knights there. Among these Joseph of Arimathea has found perpetual sleep in a marble tomb, and he lies on a two forked line next to the southern angle of an oratory, where wattle is prepared above the mighty maiden and where the aforesaid Thirteen spheres rest. Joseph has with him in his sarcophagus two vessels, white and silver, filled with the blood and sweat of the prophet Jesus. When his tomb is discovered, it will be seen whole and untouched and will be open to the whole world. From then on those who dwell in that noble Island shall lack neither water nor the dew of heaven. A long time before the Day of Judgment in Josaphat; open shall these things be and told to the living.

Above is an acceptable translation of the cryptic set of phrases making up Melkin’s Prophecy.  It foretells of the Island of Avalon, upon which, the discovery of Joseph of Arimathea’s tomb will be found in the future.396  It is commonly understood that the reference to duo fassula means that two vessels are to be found also in the tomb.  The Prophecy refers to Judgement day in the future, so one assumes this is how it became known as a prophecy.

  The text of the prophecy was obviously composed by a man who knew where a tomb was located on a specific island. Melkin was not a prophet but merely left a cryptic message for posterity in a set of instructions which, if understood and followed, determine where the Island is located. The whole contents of the cryptically composed geometrical instructions to map the location of the tomb of Joseph of Arimathea is arrogantly ignored by scholars who have rightly judged that because it mentions Avalon it must follow the advent of Geoffrey of Monmouth’s work. The stupidity is their refusal to recognise Henry Blois as the pen name for Geoffrey of Monmouth and therefore not to see the connection of Yniswitrin to Glastonbury and to Henry Blois the abbot of Glastonbury. 

396This theory was first discovered by Kim Yale and Michael Goldsworthy.

What seems to be a prophecy about events surrounding the discovery of the tomb is more a prediction of the consequence of the bodies of two world renowned people being discovered.  Certainly the Melkin prophecy is not a fourteenth century fake as considered by modern scholars making judgements by ill-informed previous generations of scholars studying the Matter of Britain. The text of the Melkin prophecy should be considered as having accompanied the 601 AD charter to Glastonbury in the hand of the King of Devon. In 2012 Kim Yale discovered the geometrical meaning which was encoded in the prophecy.  He laid bare his discovery in ‘Melkin’s Prophecy Decoded’. I have utilised much of his material in this chapter. 

John of Glastonbury replicated the Melkin prophecy in his ‘Cronica’. The understanding today is that the prophecy, and Melkin himself, are a fourteenth century invention i.e. a forgery. This theory is largely based upon the fact that Geoffrey of Monmouth’s Avalon is known to be fictitious and it is considered that fraud was carried out at Glastonbury by Henry de Sully in the production of King Arthur’s grave. This theoretical view point is incorrect, because Henry Blois is responsible for the manufacture of King Arthur’s grave between the piramides in the graveyard at Glastonbury. The description of the location of the manufactured grave was interpolated into William of Malmesbury’s DA after his death but before Henry Blois’ death. So It could not have been Henry de Sully who manufactured King Arthur’s grave site. Instead, he just knew where to dig to find the manufactured grave. This will become clear after investigating the DA and at what period the bulk of interpolations were inserted into DA and by whom.

When we consider the accuracy of the resultant geometry and when we follow the precise yet cryptic instructions of Melkin’s prophecy, it is clear that the Melkin prophecy is not a 14-century fake. This position has been taken by experts who have no understanding that the prophecy is a cleverly constructed riddle which has had the name of the island to which it alludes changed by Henry Blois the inventor of the name Insula Avallonis. The whole text was originally intended to cryptically allude through a geometrical set of clues to the Island of Iniswitrin in Devon.

Scholars have based their assumptions on the fact that there was no previous tradition of Joseph at Glastonbury prior to the Great Fire in 1184. This position is incorrect as we will cover in the chapter on DA.  But, it would be accurate to say that there was no stated tradition of Joseph of Arimathea at Glastonbury before Henry Blois propagated such a rumour.

Kim Yale explains the prophecy of Melkin by interpreting the translation so that the intended instructions are revealed from the first part of the convoluted Latin puzzle:

Island of Avalon, coveting the pagans in death, above all others in the world they are honoured for their entombment there before the circle of portentous prophesy (Avebury). In the future (the island) will be adorned by those that give praise to the highest. The father’s pearl, (Jesus) mighty in judgement the noblest of pagans (Jews), sleeps 104 miles from it (Avebury), by whom he received interment by the sea from Joseph named from Arimathea, and has taken his eternal rest there, and he lies on a line that is two forked between that and a meridian, in an angle on a coastal Tor, in a crater, that was already prepared…. and above is where one prays which one can go at the extremity of the verge;397 high up in Ictis is the place they abide to the south at thirteen degrees.

397See image 4

A conventional translation of the second half of the prophecy is as follows:

Amid these Joseph in marble named from Arimathea has found perpetual sleep and he lies on a two-forked line next the south corner of an oratory fashioned of wattles for the adoring of a mighty Virgin. In his sarcophagus are two cruets, white and silver filled with the blood and sweat of the Prophet Jesus. When his sarcophagus shall be found entire and intact in time to come, it shall be seen and shall be exposed to the whole world.  From that day forward water, nor the dew of heaven shall fail the dwellers in that ancient isle for a long while before the day of judgment in Josaphat. Fully uncovered shall these things be and declared to living men.

The above might imply that Joseph of Arimathea is buried somewhere in relation to the church of the Virgin at Glastonbury because the Island of Avalon as the title has been switched by Henry Blois so the meaning of the following content seems to be about his created island mentioned in HRB.   This is due to the manoeuvrings of Henry Blois initially; but monks at Glastonbury have expanded upon Henry’s initial propaganda by inventing further material after his death to create a quagmire of Glastonbury lore. Reading the propaganda left to posterity by Henry Blois,  it is now difficult not to believe that Joseph of Arimathea’s tomb is intricately linked by proximity to the church at Glastonbury.

Modern scholars have tended to discount Melkin for several reasons. The first and most obvious is that they do not understand that Melkin’s prophecy was intended to be decrypted geometrically on a map from known geological formations or those made by man i.e. The Beltane line (St Michael Line) the Island of Burgh Island (as it is known today) and Avebury Stone circle.

The prophecy’s main raison d’etre was to indicate that Joseph of Arimathea was buried on an island called Ineswitrin with some enigmatic and directly unmentionable object and to preserve this information into posterity. The problem is that the prophecy (now changed) starts: Insula Avallonis.

Modern scholars have understood that HRB is a concoction. So, they have also deduced that the island of Avalon (which was never heard of before the HRB was authored by Henry Blois) is an island of make believe…. existing in its first reference in a book which is known to be a composite concoction of a faux-history. Thus modern scholars have also consigned the cryptic information found in the text to be fake also because of their refusal to recognise Henry Blois as Geoffrey of Monmouth and the connection of the 601 charter’s mention of Iniswitrin to the Geometrically stated and decrypted location of Burgh Island. In effect their own stupidity prevents them seeing Henry Blois’ involvement in the change of the name in the title of the island i.e. from Ineswitrin to Avalon, or Burgh island’s connection to the King of Devon or the 601 charter.

Researchers have never contemplated that the island name of Ineswitrin was substituted on the Melkin prophecy for the manufactured name Insula Avallonis by Henry Blois. The reason for the invention of a puzzle by Melkin was so that the Island and the contents it secreted in a sepulchre would not be discovered, until such time as indicated in the puzzle itself. 

One must assume that there would be no point in Melkin constructing a riddle which hides the location of an island in Devon if the monks at Glastonbury knew where it was. The exception to this proposition is, if certain monks knew what the island contained and were guarding its secret at a point during the Saxon invasion. Possibly, after an attack on the monastery which existed on Burgh Island, Melkin signed the island over to the monks at Glastonbury. Possibly certain monks were privy (like Worgrez who did not pass on the secret information). Yet, the works of Melkin, or just the prophecy itself, were found at Glastonbury. So, the likelihood is that they were delivered at the time the 601 charter was signed as indicated by the personal reference (‘I, Bishop Maworn, drew up this deed. I, Worgrez, Abbot of the same place set my hand thereto’).

If Melkin was the King who was donating the Island, we then have to work out why he would invent a puzzle which in effect secreted the location, yet stipulated the name Ineswitrin on the charter. The simple answer is that under pressure from the Saxon invasion, the island was donated to the pre-West Saxon house of Glastonbury and the coded message was constructed in case an abbot like Worgrez was unable to convey his secret about what was contained on the island or where the island was located. 

However, what someone knew or did not know at that period becomes irrelevant over the five hundred year time span which elapsed, in which Melkin’s work gathered dust at Glastonbury until William of Malmesbury found it (as he did the 601 charter) and Henry Blois started reading Melkin’s words.

Certainly, someone back in 601AD knew of the secret contents of the tomb within the island and constructed the geometry to form Melkin’s puzzle. A set of instructional and directional data were created and incorporated into what appears to be a prophecy written by a madman. Once decoded, the prophecy of Melkin indicates with alarming accuracy, the location of the island on which it states that Joseph of Arimathea’s tomb is to be found.

The startling fact is that there are only two references to where the body of Joseph of Arimathea might be buried in ancient literature. Both places could only have been posited by someone who had knowledge of the meaning behind the puzzle. One of the locations is on an Island as we have covered i.e. Ineswitrin, but another place where Joseph is rumoured to be ‘carefully buried’ is in Montacute. The only way Henry Blois could have had foreknowledge of Montacute as being connected with the tomb of Joseph is if the name were given as a partial solution to the puzzle. Thus, in effect, Montacute is a marker point or even a confirmational clue to a point on the intended 104 nautical mile line that posterity is instructed to find by decrypting the meaning of the prophecy. This is stipulated by the geometry of Melkin’s prophecy once the riddle is understood.

Therefore, some other manuscript named Montacute separately apart from the prophecy of Melkin. This could only have been written by Melkin or someone who has knowledge of the 104 mile line we are instructed to construct in order to locate the Island. This might indicate that Melkin had other works at Glastonbury, as Montacute is not mentioned in the prophecy itself. Any person who had not decoded the geometric line which is 104 miles long (i.e. by scribing it on a map of southern Britain), would not know the line we are encouraged to find went straight through Montacute with such precision.

Henry Blois had been averted to the connection between Joseph’s burial place and Montacute. We know this because there is evidence that he went in search of the tomb at Montacute as will become clear shortly in the next section. This same information regarding Joseph and Montacute which was available to Henry Blois was passed down through generations at Glastonbury until the time of Father William Good in the era of the dissolution of the monasteries.

Modern scholars should re-consider (before consigning Melkin to fraudulent invention) and ask how it is that the only two locations relevant to Joseph’s burial place were both on manuscripts found at Glastonbury and both feature in the solution to Melkin’s riddle. They are both on the line, which, when constructed, indicates Burgh Island in Devon…. exactly 104 nautical miles from Avebury (sphaerula/circle) as intended by the puzzle. How is it that a key pointer to the solution (the hill of Montacute) is known before the fourteenth century if the prophecy is a forgery? We shall cover the Montacute search by Henry Blois shortly.

The real problem is that too much spurious and contradictory information has been written about Melkin by Prof James Carley. He and other commentators who believe his analysis and pretence of ‘expertise and scholarship’ concerning Melkin’s existence and Carley’s elucidation of the content of his prophecy, should reconsider the speculative pronouncements on which their notoriety exists.

Further, it is alarming that those who profess to be knowledgeable about Glastonburyana, Arthuriana and Grail literature, having been mentored and submersed in this material for years…. have barely mentioned Henry Blois’ name.   One must assume the reason for professor Carley’s denial of the validity of Melkin and Melkin’s prophecy is because he does not recognise Henry Blois’ hand in Grail literature or Henry Blois’ fraud in the composition of HRB and Henry Blois’ interpolations into the first 34 chapters of DA. Carley has followers such as sub-deacon Paul Ashdown, who also pronounces on a subject he does not understand. I must point out most emphatically, Melkin never mentions Glastonbury as suggested by both ‘experts’.

Subdeacon Ashdown has this to say on the subject:

The enigmatic ‘Prophecy of Melkin’, included in the Chronica of the monk John ‘of Glastonbury’ (John Sheen) of 1342, which built upon the work of William of Malmesbury and Adam of Domerham. The previously unheard-of character of Melkin, who was ‘before Merlin,’ is presented in the same vaticinatory pseudo-Welsh tradition as the Arthurian seer (Merlin) as imagined by Geoffrey of Monmouth, and the Latin is therefore deliberately cryptic. Here we read for the first time of the burial of Joseph of Arimathea at Glastonbury, in a hidden tomb which will be revealed at a millennial future time before the Day of Judgement. He lies (as I have argued elsewhere) in a folded linen shroud, probably to be identified with that of Christ, and with two vessels containing (presumably one of each) Christ’s blood and sweat’.

The ‘bad archaeologist’398 is singing from the same hymn sheet: The idea of a body being buried in a split garment rather than in a split line seems to make more sense to me.

Those ignorant of the meaning of Melkin’s in linea bifurcata seem to have an obsession with finding meaning behind the prophecy which they ironically determine is a fake document anyway.

398Poof. Keith Fitzpatrick-Mathews. Bad Archaeology.

Paul Ashdown continues to regurgitate the speculative concoctions of Prof. James Carley:

This rigmarole may well incorporate older elements but, in the form in which we have it, is datable to the aftermath of Edward I’s visit through the inclusion of the figure of Abbadare. As first suggested in 1981 by James Carley, he is to be identified with Baybars (in Arabic al-Malik al-Zahir Rukn al-Din Baybars al-Bunduqdari), Sultan of Egypt and Syria, Edward’s formidable adversary during the Ninth Crusade, who had captured the fortress of Safed, Melkin’s ‘Saphat,’ (and with it the Galilee) from the Templars in 1266, and died of poisoning in July 1277, in the year before Edward’s visit to Glastonbury. I have argued elsewhere that Melkin’s reference originated in some satirical lay which had consigned the deceased Baybars and his paladins to one of the alternative Mediterranean, Oriental or Antipodean locations of an Avalon which has here been repatriated, along (uncomprehendingly) with the Sultan, to its British origin.

Included among the sleeping ‘pagans’ (i.e. in contemporary usage, Muslims), perhaps because of his status as a wealthy Jew,399 is Joseph of Arimathea. Although ‘Melkin’ is the oldest source to tell of his burial at Glastonbury, his tomb’s exact location is clearly regarded as an occult secret. It seems most unlikely that John Sheen was himself the author of the Melkin doggerel. Indeed, he seems to have been the first to confuse the mysterious linea bifurcata, which I have interpreted as a shroud, with some kind of esoteric line in church or churchyard.

399Melkin’s prophecy is not connected in any way to Muslims. Abbadare, is one of the paganorum along with Joseph. Jesus is the paganorum nobilissimus. There is no ‘perhaps’ about the sleeping pagans…. It is Jesus and Joseph as ‘Jews’ to which Melkin alludes.

)Prof. Carley is of course the source for the piffle about Baybars, but the ludicrous notion of Ashdown’s is even more ridiculous. Modern scholars accuse JG of the prophecy’s fabrication, but if John Sheen was the author of the Melkin prophecy (as some experts profess), why accuse Sheen of confusion over his own interpretation of linea bifurcate.

John correctly understands the purport of the prophecy being relevant to determining where the grave is.  Ashdown’s interpretation of a ‘shroud’ from a ‘bifurcated line’, found in an obviously geometrically encrypted puzzle, with measurements of length and angle, is preposterous. It is not worthy of consideration as it is passed off as learnèd deduction.

John Sheen is exactly correct in recognising the line geometrically as an esoteric line and it is only through the contortions of Henry Blois and his interpolations into DA and GR3 (B version) that Sheen believes the linea bifurcata finds relevance with the old church. 

The fact that William of Malmesbury did not mention Melkin is best explained by William’s distrust of fables. Why is it incumbent upon William of Malmesbury to include what he does not understand? If he had seen Melkin’s work and any mention of Joseph of Arimathea, he probably would have simply dismissed it.

Any evidence William of Malmesbury might have seen would have been written 500 years before his time. William, like Carley did not understand the obtuse Latin and so why recycle Melkin’s prophecy which makes no sense to him in any work of his own. However, Carley has taken upon himself to tell everyone that what he does not understand or is able to decrypyt is a document that has been faked.

Carley burbles out a load of horseshit about the Melkin prophecy which is supposed to sound as if what he had to say was ‘scholarly elucidation’. Carley perceives himself an ‘authority’ and like many other scholars if you are unable to accept or even try to understand a new view which might shed light on a subject then you are one of the ‘Learnèd club’  . These are those people who are only capable of accepting what their mentors have taught them. Even though that knowledge might be based on a false premise…they still think it is better to regurgitate what has been taught than think anew. One Numpty following the ignorance of another.

 Anyway, there were no other works of Melkin…. but Bale and Pits attest there were. But, given the title of one manuscript concerning the ’round table’ (De Regis Arthurii mensa rotunda), I suggest Henry Blois is culpable of writing that work under Melkin’s name, because both the Chivalric King Arthur and the icon of the ‘Round Table’ were both concepts from the mind of Henry Blois’ muses.

In any case, William of Malmesbury probably would have discounted any mention of Joseph of Arimathea as mere fabrication, even if Iniswitrin was on the original prophecy and he had seen it with that name written thereon. The Melkin prophecy was too obtuse for William of Malmesbury to even consider mentioning Melkin or the prophecy.

It was the 601 charter alone which proved antiquity for Glastonbury. The proof of antiquity for the Abbey was William of Malmesbury’s directive in the composition of DA as the title suggests. To William, the Melkin Prophecy was meaningless. There were saints and their relics at every religious house as it was good for business, but if William had seen Joseph of Arimathea’s name in connection with Britain (or Glastonbury) it would have been discounted. As we shall discover further on, it was not even William of Malmesbury who posited St. Philip as the apostle across the channel as witnessed in GR3 and DA.

The important key to unlocking Melkin’s riddle is the ‘bifurcated line’. The bifurcated line is where we are informed Joseph’s tomb lies, but there has to be two lines for one to bifurcate the other.  It is the line which bifurcates the ‘Michael line’ which Melkin wants us to find and construct on a map. The point at which two lines bifurcate at Avebury is the solution of Melkin’s puzzle. The only line or marker that Melkin could guarantee would not be destroyed over millenia and would always exist…. is the alignment now known as the St. Michael line.  This old ‘Beltane line’ which runs across southern England is now aligned with churches dedicated to St Michael built by the Templars so that the line would never be lost.  It is quite ridiculous of modern scholars to insist that this line exists by coincidence. The Templars built this line of churches to mark out what Melkin had indicated,i.e. the position of an Island. A contemporary of Henry Blois, Hugh of St Victor, in his Practica Geometriae, (trans. Frederick A Homann) makes it quite clear that measurement over large distances on the landscape was within the Templar’s capability. Moreover, it was within Melkin’s capability in the sixth century otherwise the obtuse Latin puzzle would not terminate on Burgh Island on the line defined by the 104 mile length and its orientation given by the 13 degrees from the St Michael line.

As Melkin’s intention was to provide a key for someone in the future to find Ineswitrin, he used the ‘bifurcated line’ and its bifurcation point as a starting place from which a separate line would divide (at thirteen degrees) and act as a ‘pointer’ 104 nautical miles long to Burgh Island in Devon.

The ancient alignment of the Michael line is the starting line, without which, the rest of the instructions in the prophecy could not be understood. The Michael line is made up of landscape features which include Avebury stone circle, Glastonbury tor, Burrow Mump, and the Hurlers, to name a few.400 We can understand the reference to a sperula which obviates the word ‘Sphaerula’ or circle and which pertains to Avebury stone circle, where the bifurcation occurs. These are immovable reference points on the British landscape which constitute a straight line that would not move overtime.

400The Sun and the Serpent. Paul Broadhurst, Hamish Miller

The Michael line, or as Melkin refers to it, ‘the English Meridium’ (Meridianum Anglum) acts as Melkin’s line; which we are instructed to bifurcate. It is from within this prehistoric stone circle of Avebury that Melkin directs us to Burgh island by way of completing the instruction…. and drawing the line 104 nautical miles long.

Those scholars who believe that this nautical mile measurement could not be made or understood in 600 AD by Melkin…. must forget that Pytheas in 325 BC could only arrive at deducing the Latitude of Marseille (which he did quite accurately) by using the nautical mile measurement as Eratosthenes was hailed for doing a century later. Eratosthenes was supposedly the first person to calculate the circumference of the earth which he did by comparing angles of the mid-day Sun at two places a known North-South distance apart.

There are just two numerical instructions in the Melkin prophecy. One is that we are to draw a line 104 miles long which bifurcates the original line within the Spherula (of Avebury). The angle at which the line is to be divided or bifurcated is thirteen degrees and this is Melkin’s other numerical instruction. If we carry out the instructions on a map, the line we are instructed to create coincidentally goes through ‘Devises.’

More pertinently, but definitely not coincidentally, it goes through Montacute…. a marker hill just like Glastonbury tor and Burrow Mump. At the end of the line stretching from Avebury to the coast, which is at thirteen degrees to the Michael line…. exactly 104 nautical miles away is the Island of Ictis better known as Burgh Island or the Ineswitrin upon which Melkin says are the remains of Joseph of Arimathea and the enigmatic Grail (duo fassula).

With precision, (to the yard) the line Melkin has helped us construct, leads to Burgh Island which we have already identified as Ineswitrin. The bifurcation angle between his unmovable line and the one we are instructed to draw on a map is 13 degrees. The reader can construct the same line drawing as I have on Google Earth. Don’t forget that Melkin’s measurement of 104 is in ‘nautical’ miles because this is a fixed measurement defined by division of the 360 degrees that make up the circumference of the earth.

Now, it would be silly to insist that Burgh Island has nothing to do with Joseph of Arimathea or Melkin without explaining the coincidence that this line runs right through Montacute the place where ‘Father Good’ cryptically writes that Joseph of Arimathea is ‘carefully hidden’. No doubt, scholars will insist that the only two places mentioned as the resting place for Joseph of Arimathea, which are both precisely on the line Melkin by his prophecy is instructing us to create, is just a coincidence. Professor Carley the biggest Numpty of them all declaring in complete ignorance that the prophecy itself is a fake!!!

If we ignore their pronouncements, this would then allow the fact that Henry Blois knew of the clue regarding Montacute which prompted his search of the hill at Montecute evidenced by the production of the manuscript known as De Inventione.401  The evidence of Henry Blois actively searching for a grave at Montacute would then reasonably negate the notion that the persona and prophecy of Melkin are a fourteenth century forgery. 

No commentator has previously understood that Henry Blois had based his Montacute search for the relics of Joseph of Arimathea on evidence which must have been provided by Melkin. This evidence or false lead which implicates Montacute as Joseph’s burial site was only meant as a confirmation point on the line we are sent to construct to find Ineswitrin by way of connstructing the line on a map of southern Britain.

Unless the Melkin prophecy is decoded, Henry Blois could not know this, so he assumed Montacute might be the Island he was looking for which was named by Melkin originally as Ineswitrin. Henry’s discovery of the ‘Holy Cross of Waltham’ will be covered in the next section.  However, in a brief aside, it seems likely Henry Blois had been to the south west (in Devon and Cornwall)  looking for this mysterious Island of Ineswitrin. 

Just to re-iterate…. Melkin’s original prophecy was about Ineswitrin and it was Henry who substituted its name for Insula Avallonis on the copy of the prophecy that JG has copied into his Cronica. Henry Blois, also fully comprehended, that Ineswitrin was not at Glastonbury, because Henry is the one responsible for the propaganda, which in fact now makes us think the prophecy pertained to the Island of Avalon. In fact Henry Blois has changed its location to Glastonbury as an ‘estate’ simply by composing the etymological rubbish written in the life of Gildas.

Henry knew that Ineswitrin was in Devon as it was donated by a Dumnonian King in the 601 charter…. blatantly deducible by the provenance of the donator. Since Devon and Cornwall were once known collectively as Dumnonia, it will not come as a surprise that Looe Island which had a small Celtic chapel on it would have appeared as a possible location to which the prophecy applied when Henry was looking for Ineswitrin.

Not surprisingly then, Looe island was appropriated by Glastonbury in Henry Blois’ tenure before 1144 when it appeared in a list of the abbey’s possessions. This recently acquired possession is also referred to later in a confirmation of Glastonbury’s possession by pope Lucius II. Pope Lucius II just happened to be the friendliest pope toward Henry Blois. It was pope Lucius who granted Henry metropolitan status to Winchester. The ownership of Looe island by Glastonbury was important as it appears again in another papal confirmation in 1168; again, while Henry was alive.402

402The Archaeology and History of Glastonbury Abbey, Glastonbury’s Cornish connections. P.253

It does not take much to work out that there was little territorial interest in Cornwall before the Norman Conquest and up to the point in 1144 when Henry claims a piece of the mainland opposite Looe Island in the parish of Talland…. and both the island and the mainland area were then referred to by the name Lammana. Henry thought Ineswitrin was Looe Island as he associated the Ineswitrin as pertaining to the Dumnonian King as stated on the 601 charter. We know Henry was looking for Joseph’s remains by carrying out his his search at Montecute and by his acquisition of Looe island.

It would not be wise to rule out the possibility that Henry’s real interest in Looe Island was connected to finding the relics of Joseph of Arimathea. In fact the Island is still connected to Joseph of Arimathea in local legend where it is said the Island was called Lammana and Jesus was put on a beach nearby to play while Joseph of Arimathea was with him.

The map above shows the ‘bifurcated line’ where it divides within Avebury stone circle and runs through Montacute at an angle of 13 degrees to the Michael line for 104 nautical miles to Burgh Island.

The termination of the 104 mile line is on the present Burgh Island, the old Ineswitrin or as Henry Blois had substituted his invention; the Isle of Avalon.

Melkin indicates that posterity would find the island where Joseph is buried 104 nautical miles from Avebury where Burgh Island is situated. Burgh Island just happens to fit Diodorus’ corrupted rendition of Pytheas’ description of Ictis, in that it has a tidal sand bar and in practical terms is situated centrally to the biggest deposit of tin in Britain and therefore was the ideal place from which to export.

Melkin was known as a geometer even though that idiot professor Carley ignores the fact that Melkin is giving his secret of where a body is buried in the very language he is renowned for i.e. GEOMETRY. Until now we have had no proof of Melkin’s existence or that his display of geometrical prowess could be witnessed. The encrypted geometrical instructions given by his obtuse Latin puzzle lends credence to those contemporaries who attested that he was a geometer and to his very existence. So, let us take a closer look by breaking down Melkin’s previously misunderstood Latin prophecy sentence by sentence as Kim Yale indicated. 

The Following in Highlighted Black is the understanding of the Prophecy explained phrase by phrase as it is decoded and its understanding rendered into English:

Insula Aualonis avida funere paganorum:

The island of Avalon, as I have explained already, was named by Henry Blois in the HRB from the name of a town in the Blois region.  Henry replaced the original name of Ineswitrin and substituted his own invented name of Avallon. It is on this Island which Melkin tells us Joseph of Arimathea is buried. Melkin’s Ineswitrin provides Henry Blois with the inspiration of a mystical island upon which King Arthur is last seen alive in HRB and VM and a locus from which the re-emergence of Arthur is to come.

Some commentators403 assume Arthur is buried on Burgh Island because ‘Geoffrey’ wove the mythical island into the storyline of HRB and was understood as Arthur’s last known location. Since both Avalon and the Chivalric Arthur are both imaginary ‘make believe’, CREATED IN ‘Geoffrey’s’ HRB, King Arthur cannot be buried on Burgh Island.

To be clear, the name of Avallonis has nothing to do with Melkin. It seems relatively certain that Henry had no idea of the location of the Devonian island of Ineswitrin even though he had been as near as Plympton as witnessed in GS, and even nearer if I am correct about Salcombe being Salgoem and ‘Geoffrey’s’ Saltus Geomagog (which is said to be near Totnes), where the Giant is thrown over a cliff by Corineus, which we covered earlier.

However, going back to the highlighted phrase above, Melkin’s word Avida means ‘coveting’ so the sense is ‘coveting the pagans in their death’ in reference to the island. Paganorum cryptically refers to a Jew; as Abbadare i.e. Jesus was King of the Jews the noblest of pagans and Joseph his Father (or Uncle) was a Jew also.  Carley’s notion of Paganorum having connection to Muslim Baybars we can dismiss as irrelevant. Professor Carley is the root of the problem concerning any understanding about Melkin. Carley has muddied the waters with his blatant opinions of bullshit, neither grounded in scholarship or reasoning but by his own lofty opinion of himself as a self proclaimed expert on a subject he himself admits he knows nothing about!!!

403Goldsworthy. And did those feet. It is quite ridiculous of Goldsworthy to posit that King Arthur is buried on Burgh Island. If the chivalric Arthur of HRB is a composite and fabrication of Henry Blois’ i.e.  ‘Geoffrey’…. how can there be any historical remains of a King Arthur? Goldsworthy’s premise is based on his belief that Avalon was indeed an Island and was the subject of the original Melkin Prophecy. Once we understand that Avallon is named after a Burgundian town, the notion that Arthur’s connection to Avalon then becomes untenable…. except when we understand that the author of HRB is Henry Blois and the inspiration for the mythical Island was the Melkin prophecy seen by Henry Blois at Glastonbury…. which originally referred to Iniswitrin.

pre ceteris in orbe ad sepulturam eorum omnium:

The phrase is usually translated as: ‘At the burial of them all, will be decorated beyond the others in the world’.  The more probable sense would be that those buried on the island are ‘honoured above all others in the world’.

sperulis prophecie uaticinantibus decorate:

This phrase has been understood only in ‘gobbledegook’ since professor Carley had a stab at translating its meaning i.e. as connected with prophesying and soothsaying ‘circle’s by most translators following Carley’s ignorance of its real meaning.

The meaning is quite clear in conjunction with the other instructions in the prophecy and refers to Avebury stone circle as the bifurcation point. The word is used twice in the prophecy; once as ‘sperulis’, as in this instance; and once as ‘sperulatis’. Both of the variations convey meaning through Sphaerula.  However, sperulatis in the second instance refers to the symbol for degrees i.e. a small circle following after the number. Since it is a small circle it is written in the diminutive form, but by degrees it actually refers to the acute angle of 13° at Avebury formed by drawing the line which goes through Montacute relative to the ‘Michael line’.

et in futurum ornate erit altissimum laudantibus:

The sentence gives the sense that when Joseph’s tomb is discovered, the Island of Avalon will be arrayed by the mass of new converts, giving praise to God. This sense concurs with the final part of the Melkin prophecy which indicates that Joseph’s sepulchre will be opened to the whole world, giving an impression that the island will become a pilgrimage.

Abbadare, potens in Saphat, paganorum nobilissimus:

‘Abbadare, mighty in judgement, most noble of the pagans’ is a straightforward translation. The name Abbadare, has given rise to speculation about the word’s provenance and meaning, but it has to be a reference to Jesus, meaning “The father’s pearl”. The rationale behind Melkin using this appellation is by combining Abba meaning father and Dar meaning pearl in Aramaic, and Hebrew.  That Abbadare should be found with Joseph in the sepulchre is yet to be discussed, but as the Grail literature suggests something connected with Jesus is buried with Joseph. It is only the commonly misinterpreted understanding of the duo fassula which makes us think it is a vessel of some sort.

The denial of the Roman church by excluding Chapter 29 of the Acts of the Apostles in the New Testament and the silencing of the tales of the Britons may well have a basis in truth before and after Augustine’s arrival.  Similar to the journey of the Holy family in Maurus’ account, we can assume Joseph leaves Jerusalem, and arrives at Ineswitrin (Ictis) after having sailed on from Marseilles, to an island familiar to him from which he had previously bought tin. Joseph brought the body of his son to Ineswitrin.  Henry Blois later interprets this mysterious object of the duo Fassula mentioned by Melkin as sang réal. i.e. Henry Blois realised that Joseph had brought some relic of Jesus from Jerusalem.

This relic or body is carried inside an ark or box by some Grail accounts. The Grail romances which refer to the Grail as an object metaphorically refer to some artefact connected to Jesus. As the reader will be aware, the word ‘Abbadare’ would have been used by Melkin to avoid direct reference to ‘Jesus’s body’ as it is well known that the Christian belief was that the body in the Gospel accounts evaporates to Heaven. By refering to Jesus as Abbadare Melkin would avoid an adverse reaction of heresy, (especially deposited in the Monastic system). If the prophecy itself had stated overtly that Jesus and Joseph were buried on the Island in the prophecy itself, the document now known as the Melkin prophecy might be destroyed leaving no knowledge of the island to posterity. So, Melkin refers to Jesus as Abbadare and to his remains as the Duo Fassula.

cum centum et quatuor milibus domiicionem ibi accepit:

cum centum et quatuor translates ‘with one hundred and four’.  Milibus is actually cryptically referring to ‘miles’ employing the measurement of nautical miles. The reader will remember my explanation why Melkin the Geometer uses the unit of nautical miles. it is  the only divisible unit of measurement on the Earths circumference which correlates to a sixtieth of a degree. This same unit having been employed by the ancients as I previously showed by Pytheas having accurately measured the Latitude of Marseille in 320 BC.

The nautical ‘knot’ only came into use in 1630 AD…. but the ancients had sub divided the globe into degrees of a circle reckoned on the immutable laws of Geometry. The numerical division i.e. 60 nautical miles to one degree is defined by the circumference of the earth and the 90 degrees which make up the four quadrants of the earth which correlate to the 360 degrees which make up a circle. This unit of measurement of one nautical mile as a sixtieth of a degree had evidently been calculated by Pytheas’s calculations in Latitude404 and the fact that Phoenicians found their way to Ictis in Herodotus’ time and perhaps even in Solomon’s.

Melkin was attested as a geometer and astrologer and is now vindicated as one by the geometric understanding of the measurement of distance by comparison with the surface of the Earth. He is perfectly capable of measuring the distance from Avebury to Burgh Island, but could only be certain of the transference of this measurement to posterity i.e. the 104 miles in the immutability of what constitutes a nautical mile i.e. one sixtieth of a degree.

Some translators have inserted the word ‘Knight’s’ from the Latin word ‘Militus’ with the assumption that it refers to ‘the others’ that are said to be buried in Avalon. Other translators have opted for implanting the word “saints”, assuming a scribal error for 104 as a measurement across the landscape in nautical miles. Some commentators, while not replacing the number, have assumed that a mistake has been made and that Melkin is referring to the 144 thousand saints in the Book of Revelation 7:4, 14:1 & 14:3.

This misrepresentation has been highlighted by later interpolators as in the case of Capgraves ‘Nova Legenda Angliae’, which renders the sense of Melkin’s words to ‘milia dormientium accepit’ which refers to Joseph who has 104,000 sleeping with him. 

The nautical mile measurement is precisely 104 miles (to within a yard) from the Cove stone in Avebury stone circle (sperula) to the entrance of the tunnel on Burgh Island upon which the modern Burgh island hotel has been built.  The figure below shows the line Melkin requires us to draw on the map which Kim Yale referred to as the ‘Joseph Line’. The ‘Joseph line’ drawn from Avebury to Burgh Island passes directly over St. Michael’s Montacute. Montacute acts as a marker on the line which we are instructed to create by the data provided in the prophecy.  It is no coincidence that Montacute is on the hypothetical line (until constructed) where the body of Joseph is ‘carefully hidden’ and is confirmed by Father William Good. Henry Blois knew this information.

The Joseph line forms the acute angle of 13° at Avebury with the Michael line and runs through the castle at Devises and then through Mons Acutus (Montacute). It is 104 nautical miles to Burgh Island from Avebury.

domiicionem ibi accepit:

 Most translators render ‘took his sleep there’ or ‘received his rest there’. This sense of the sentence has been mistranslated as “Abbadare, powerful in judgement, the most noble of the pagans took his sleep there with 104 thousand”.

‘Abbadare’ appears to be taking his rest with 104,000 others if Mille is employed instead of Milibus; especially when the first words of the next sentence are ‘inter quos’ which translates as ‘among whom’. The meaning which Melkin is conveying is that Joseph and Jesus (both) are taking their rest there.

Inter quos ioseph de marmore, ab Armathia nomine, cepit sompnum perpetuum:

The usual translation of the sentence is ‘among these Joseph of Arimathea received eternal slumber in a marble tomb’. In the previous set of words Melkin used ‘domicionem ibi accepit’ and now he is using ‘cepit sompnum perpetuum’ immediately afterwards. Melkin has devised a riddle in which he speaks of two people once the meaning is understood. ‘Jesus received his rest there’ and ‘Joseph named from Arimathea took his perpetual sleep there’. The word ‘Inter’ by most translators is rendered ‘among’, but this is a riddle we are deciphering…. and Melkin’s meaning is derived from ‘interrare’; to put in the earth i.e. bury.

‘Inter quos’ is translated as ‘among whom’ but here Melkin is using a play on words and his meaning is ‘to inter’ or ‘interred with whom’ which infers two people. The implication of this is that it now establishes ‘Abbadare’ as another separate subject in the tomb and the translation infers ‘Abbadare’, ’interred with whom is Joseph, named from Arimathea taking his eternal slumber by the sea’. ‘Marmor’ translates as a marble stone or as ’the sea’. Small wave motion in calm water gives the impression of marble, hence the expression, ‘a marbled sea’.  It was said that King Arthur, when he was fictitiously found, was ‘not in a marble tomb’.405 This point was possibly made to distinguish it from Joseph’s tomb which was commonly thought (because of the word Marmor in the Melkin prophecy) to be marble and which might have been in the same grave yard at Glastonbury. However, the sentence that Gerald of Wales wrote Which I will get to later, which has the beginning missing in the manuscript reads: [The beginning of the sentence is lost.] . . . had proposed, thus Arthur’s body was discovered not in a marble tomb, not cut from rock or Parian stone, as was fitting for so distinguished a King, but rather in wood, in oak that was hollowed out for this purpose….

405Giraldus Cambrensis, Speculum Ecclesiae, X.

It just seems an odd coincidence to mention marble or stone when there are so few examples of sixth century sepulchres from which Giraldus might be comparing.  It is possible Giraldus is making reference to marble to compare with the other notable person of Joseph…. who is supposed to be in the same graveyard and understood to be in a marble tomb as indicated in the prophecy. If this were the case, Gerald who died in 1223, (if that was his implication) would show that the prophecy would not be John of Glastonbury’s invention. But there are many more definitive ways which show that the Melkin prophecy pre-existed John of Glastonbury which completely negates the pronouncements of Carley and Lagorio and we shall come to in progression

Henry Blois was patron to Gerald and some of the points made by Gerald about Arthur may indeed have been informed by Henry himself. However, I shall cover what Gerald has to say on Arthur’s disinterment shortly, because this may have a bearing on his relationship (as patron) with Henry Blois, even though the unearthing took place 20 years after Henry’s death. Gerald however, does not mention Joseph of Arimathea and gets his Glatonburyana concerning Avalon and Ineswitrin straight from the interpolated DA. It is mainly because Gerald does not mention Joseph that modern scholars believe Joseph’s name is interpolated into the DA much later. The scholar’s assumption is not entirely tenable if we assume Gerald is only interested in Arthur i.e. not concerned with what he presumes is some concocted fable in order to increase alms at Glastonbury.

Bale understands Joseph being buried in a Marble tomb when he renders the phrase as ‘somnum sub marmore coepit’. However, one twist that has not been considered is that ‘Joseph de marmore’ could be a reference to Melkin’s understanding of Joseph of the sea as in ‘sea trader’. However, the more likely translation, given the islands location…. and in reference to Abbadare is:by whom he received interment by the sea from Joseph named from Arimathea’.

The repetition of ‘dormicionem’ as referring to Abbadare, then being immediately followed by ‘sopnum perpetuum’, referring directly to Joseph of Arimathea, indicates that Abbadare and Joseph are two different entities…. especially since the ‘mighty in Judgement’ is referring to Jesus. Melkin has set out to misdirect his readers with the double meaning of ‘inter’, informing us that Jesus has received his rest there. This he has done by not offending Christian sensibilities.

Et iacet in linea bifurcata iuxta meridianum angulum oratori:

This sentence is most frequently quoted in reference to Melkin’s prophecy, the usual translation being: ‘and he lies on a two forked line next to the southern corner of the oratory’. William of Worcester who measured and described the abbey church at Glastonbury c.1478 has grasped that ‘in linea bifurcata’ is part of a geometrical instruction, designed to indicate the grave site. Monks at Glastonbury have continued the tradition of concocting seemingly plausible evidence that infers the ‘Line’ applies to directions within the abbey grounds centred on the old church: ‘and opposite the second window (of the lady chapel) on the south side there are in the cemetery two stone crosses hallowed, where the bones of King Arthur were buried, where ‘in linea bifurcata’ lies Joseph’ etc.

Most commentators have previously suspected ‘the line’ referred to is an indicator to where the tomb is located. Henry Blois misdirection in DA has been built upon the word ‘oratori’ linked with ‘adorandam virginem’. It is upon these words and words like ‘wattle’ that the Glastonbury deception was based. These inventions helped the eventual translocation of the Devonian Island to Glastonbury along with the etymological propaganda written in the life of Gildas composed by Henry Blois. We will never know which words have been altered or inserted in the Melkin prophecy, but we can conclude Henry changed Ineswitrin for Avalon and we can also deduce that the numerical instructional data was not tampered with…. and nor were the obtuse words like sperula and bifurcata which are central to the decoding of meaning behind the obtuse latin in the prophecy.

Nowadays, Glastonbury is considered as Avalon and the ‘linea bifurcata’ that supposedly gave directions from the oratory, has now become a ‘folded linen cloth’ in which Joseph is buried,406 because modern commentators are still trying to find sense in the prophecy. It is shameful that certain modern commentators have misinterpreted the original purport of ‘linea bifurcata’. It is no longer accounted as anything to do with a directional instruction. It is those same commentators who deny the existence of Melkin and deem his prophecy a fake. If it was a fake, why waste time inventing convoluted solutions that don’t augment the position for which the doubters say the prophecy was concocted.

406This misinterpretation of Melkin’s words stem possibly from Lord Fromes account written to Henry V where…. describing a recent discovery: This Coffin was adorned most excellently beyond the others, with linen cloth inside all over. I shall cover this later in the chapter on Giraldus.

If linea bifurcata really alluded to a cloth, one would think that if the prophecy were a late concoction designed to convince us that Joseph is specifically at Glastonbury Abbey; an exacting, more persuasive and less obscure set of words might have been written. If we try to put the prophecy in terms of a fourteenth century forgery it would be an impossible coincidence that there just happens to be a line on the English landscape which bifurcates into another line at a point within a circle, at the exact angle and length provided in the prophecy.  Of course this kind of rational or analytical thought does not occur in the mind of a medievalist scholar like professor Carley.  Not only does this line go over the hill at Montacute, (where Joseph of Arimathea was rumoured to be hidden carefully), but the total length of the line defined specified in the Melkin prophecy is 104 miles and the line stops/terminates on an island…. and this by any interpretation is what the puzzle is designed to do (locate the island). Explain that to an idiot expert and you get told the prophecy is a fake.

The Melkin puzzle starts with and points out as its subject ‘the island’ where Joseph of Arimathea is buried. The probability of this puzzle being invented by a fourteenth century monk at Glastonbury is as idiotic as those experts who still maintain the prophecy is a fake.

Some modern commentators have used the most imaginative ways of trying to understand the meaning of ‘bifurcata’. The most far-fetched is derived from a meaning of ‘in linea’ as linen and ‘bifurcata’ as folded to give a ‘folded linen cloth’.

Scholars have been duped into believing Glastonbury is Avalon, therefore, there is no further requirement to seek directions to Avalon or… so the logic goes. One can then understand their supposition that Joseph is described as ‘lying in linen’ and lies somewhere in the abbey grounds. But what then becomes of the rest of the riddle? What is the point of the extraneous words such as Sperulatis (degrees), Sperula (Avebury circle) Tredicim (thirteen), cum centum et quatuor (104), Milibus (miles) or even more to the point Abbadare. 

No early commentator has even posited Joseph ‘lying in linen’ and it seems our modern experts get more outrageous testing the bounds of their own credibility. Since John of Glastonbury, it was understood ‘where’ Joseph lay i.e. in Avalon. It is only in the modern era such unconnected notions exist where a ‘bifurcated line’ has no relevance to geometry.

The linea bifurcata was the crux of Melkin’s instructions and the Glastonbury establishment needed to establish a link with their oratori. Hence, we get the versions of concocted measurements from the ‘Old Church’ from a randomly placed pillar on the site of the old church…. to mislead the gullible into thinking Melkin’s ‘line’ is connected with a church supposedly founded by Joseph. Therefore, posterity is led to believe, Joseph’s sepulchre must be within the Abbey grounds.  All this, mostly brought about by interpolations into DA.

However, we could, like modern scholarship, ignore Melkin’s puzzle, but coincidence cannot outweigh the bounds of probability. Is it probable that an invented set of words supposedly concocted in the fourteenth century can now be understood with alarming accuracy as a set of instructions, which, when put into action, form on a map of southern Britain and indicate a line which locates the Island of Avalon (Ineswitrin)…. which coincidentally falls upon an island in Devon? To believe that this is a coincidence or conclude the geometry is irrelevant would have to be considered as ‘studied ignorance’.

The fact that this geometric coincidence coincides with a charter found at Glastonbury concerning Ineswitrin donated by a Devonian King, and…. taking into consideration the implications of a genuine etymology that this was an island named ‘White Tin,’…. might be more than a rational mind can accept as coincidence. A further improbable chance occurs in that: this same Island fits a description given by Diodorus of an Island in the ancient world which ‘provended’ tin. Coincidence then leads us to the legend of Joseph visiting Britain as a tin merchant and his name being connected with the same island by the solution to Melkin’s puzzle indicating Joseph’s tomb is upon it.

The final glory of the ‘bifurcated line’ was brought to the fore in the bogus directions given on the illustrious ‘brass plate’, with the helpful reminder ‘lest we should forget’. The implication from the brass plaque discussed shortly…. is that we should not question that Glastonbury was any other place but Melkin’s Avalon

From ‘Meridianum’, most commentators have derived ‘Southern angle’ from Melkin’s text. The word ‘meridianum’ conveys the sense of a plotted line like a meridian and this was surely Melkin’s intention. It is also worth noting that ‘meridianum anglum’ could be translated as an ‘English Meridian’; surely a pun not lost on Melkin. Melkin is referring to the angle at 13 degrees to the St. Michael line and this is why the strange inclusion of the second ‘habitantibus’ becomes a split word of habit antibus, ‘residing opposite’ the 13-degree angle formed within Avebury.

The oratori is a small chapel of prayer and fits conveniently the description of the wattle church. Whether the old church was ever wattle is debatable considering the efforts gone to by Henry Blois to have words in the prophecy coincide with features at Glastonbury …. which becomes evident in my exposition of interpolations into GR3 and DA. We will never know in this instance if the word ‘oratory’ was added to comply with ‘cratibus’ or perhaps ‘cratibus’ was originally written to intend ‘crater’ implying hole or void in the ground and the Oratory was on Burgh Island. To my mind, too much is made of the ‘construction’ of the old church in Malmesbury’s work and smacks of ‘the lady protesting too much’.

The ‘wattle’ construction of the church becomes too insistent i.e polemically biased with comments about its rude construction: The church of which we are speaking, from its antiquity called by the Angles, by way of distinction, ‘Ealde Chirche,’ that is, the ‘Old Church,’ of wattle-work, at firsts savoured somewhat of heavenly sanctity even from its very foundation, and exhaled it over the whole country; claiming superior reverence, though the structure was mean. 

There may have been further interpolation in providing a rationalisation of why the ‘wattled’ could not be seen and was ‘covered’: and the tradition of our ancestors has handed down, that the companion of his labours, Paulinus, who was Bishop of Rochester after being archbishop of York, covered the church built as we have before observed, of wattle-work with a covering of boards.

We know the directional data in the Melkin prophecy has not been changed for the most part as the accuracy is too improbable to be random. But one can speculate about other interpretations: some other words as ‘ora tor’ could be a possible word split. We might speculate that one solution would be that the Latin word ‘ora’ and ‘tor’ from ‘torus’ were split. ‘Ora’ translates as ‘the border or coast of a country; particularly the sea coast or maritime district’. The word ‘tor’ from the Latin ‘torus’ meaning ‘a knoll or high mound of earth’. Maybe Melkin gives the real sense of where Joseph’s body lay i.e. an island resembling ‘a Tor by the coast’ or ‘Tor by the sea’.Most commentators have assumed cratibus applies directly to the oratory as its construction method, but what is the relevant meaning of ‘Cratibus preparatis’?

If Burgh island was the Ictis of old, based on Diodorus’s description, and as pytheas describes ‘large quantities of tin’ were taken to the island; the community of tinners would have to keep a large cache of ingots safe and ready to export when a phonetician trader came to the island. Hence,we can now understand the reference to the ‘prepared cave’ hewed out long ago…. that applies to the tomb and not to the wattle construction of a church at Glastonbury.

Is Melkin using the term ‘Crater’ to describe a cave or cavern or ‘hole in the ground’ which was ‘pre-prepared’ which refers to the Ictis repository? These are high definition micro directions not macro geographical instructions which locate the island by way of data transferred to a map. In other words, once the island is located, we are told that Joseph is in a ‘Crater’ which was pre-prepared or ‘dug out’ long ago.

In the scenario where Glastonbury is concerned…. the ‘preparatis’ is hard to rationalise as pertinent to ‘wattle preparation’. Wattle by definition is a preparation.  Without the storage area on the Devonian island, the functionality of Ictis and its description as an Emporium would be redundant; so, more likely, it refers to the crater rather than a reference to the production or preparation of wattle.

super potentem adorandam uirginem supradictis sperulatis locum habitantibus tredecim:

This is a difficult part of the prophecy, especially to find relevant meaning to a situation in Glastonbury which to my mind negates the proposition John Sheen created the prophecy. If we accept that the prophecy is a puzzle to be de-ciphered, we should try to be inventive in our interpretation…. as so far, there is little which complies with Glastonbury.  We cannot be sure however, that Henry Blois has not tampered with any of the words. It does seem even after Henry’s death, the Glastonbury monk craft is complying with the wording of the Prophecy in their propaganda…. not vice versa i.e. the creation of a prophecy to seem relevant to the church at Glastonbury. If the prophecy was a fake it would be more plainly understood. Because it is genuine, it is obtuse and carries out the function it was designed for.

‘Super’, translates as above, upward or on high and ‘potentem’, as mighty or powerful. ‘Adorandam’meaning adorable could be split into ad orandam we could be looking at the word orandam, meaning ‘to pray to’.

Virginem; derived from ‘Virga’ is a reference to the Virgin Mary to most commentators. ‘adorandam virginem’ therefore renders “adorable virgin or maiden”. One idea is that these may be local instructions to the entrance of the vault, giving its relation in the local vicinity to the crater in relation to where an old chapel used to be situated on the Island

If we split ‘adorandam’ into ‘ad orandam’ it renders ‘in prayer’. The English word ‘verge’ has the same derivative root of virga. If one interprets this word string ‘super potentem adorandam uirginem supradictis’ as a whole, whilst splitting ‘supradictis’ into ‘supra ad ictis’, we get the sense ‘up where one prays at the verge high up on Ictis’.  This may be too contrived, but still more credible than Muslims and Baybars being in anyway connected to the prophecy.

Supradictis translates normally as ‘aforementioned’ and seemingly refers to sperulatis but sperulatis is different from the previously mentioned sperulis.

Is Melkin referring to the ‘aforementioned sperulis’ in the early part of the prophecy or is he splitting the word ‘supra-ad-ictis’; informing us that Joseph and Jesus are ‘high up in Ictis’? However, this also appears contrived and does presuppose Melkin knew the island was once called Ictis.

One might conclude that if this information concerning Joseph was passed down to Melkin 600 years after the fact, there would have to be some form of writing explaining why this island was chosen by Joseph. One cannot be sure what Melkin wrote in the manuscripts found at Glastonbury (if there were any) for Henry Blois to use as inspiration for his Grail literature. Perhaps he used the prophecy alone.407 Another consideration is how Joseph’s name got confused as the ‘authority’ in the ‘High History of the Grail’ and also became misunderstood as the narrator. One might imagine that the authority for the story of the holy relics reaching Britain stems from Joseph himself. Some commentators assume the name refers to Josephus408 the historian in the ‘High History of the Grail’; the authority upon which the tale rests. It is unlikely Josephus, had any involvement with the Perlesvaus from which the High History is derived.

In brief, the ‘High History of the Grail’ or Perlesvaus was in its original form written by Henry Blois. It says that the origins for all the Grail material came from the Island of Avalon. We know that Avalon is a Henry Blois invention, hence anything connected with the Grail, Joseph or Arthur on Avalon…. derives from the mind and composition of Henry Blois.

Our expert on this subject James Carley reckons: ‘that there must be some sort of relationship between the Grail romance Perlesvaus and Glastonbury Abbey has long been recognised; the colophon itself informs readers that the work is nothing more than a translation into French of a Latin original found at Avalon/Glastonbury’.409

407It is plain that the prophecy contains the main elements of Henry’s inspiration icons of the grail stories i.e. a body to find in the future, the duo fassula as the Grail, the quest or search element, and the mysterious island where he situates King Arthur. 

408The Antiquities of the Jews, by Flavius Josephus

409Glastonbury Abbey and Arthurian tradition p.309

Most commentators have assumed that the reference in the ‘High History of the Grail’ to the book having its source in the Island of Avalon indicates the writer of the Perlesvaus transcribed it from there. Henry Blois is the inventor of the name Avalon and abbot of Glastonbury. Scholars just need to accept a fraud on a large scale and that Henry Blois committed it. It is not too far-fetched to assume Henry Blois wrote the Perlesvaus colophon (just as he did Gaimar’s epilogue and the colophon in HRB…. to misdirect) and implied that his French translation was from a Latin original. The stupidity of the statement is that either translation could only have been written by himself.

Henry Blois invents Avalon in HRB but in VM converts Insula Pomorum to equate with it. Then he makes Avalon commensurate with Glastonbury in propaganda interpolated into DA. DA confirms the illusion of Glastonbury in antiquity being synonymous with the island of Avalon.

Carley makes misguided assumptions that whoever wrote the Perlesvaus ‘Glastonbury’ edition must have made a trip to England to know about King Arthur’s disinterment. Carley’s assumption is based upon what the author supposedly sees and therefore the geographical references to Glastonbury.410 Allusions in the colophon of Perlesvaus to King Arthur’s interment in Avalon; is not an ‘a priori’ upon which one can presume a date for the composition of Perlesvaus i.e. after Arthur’s disinterment.

Modern scholarships assumption is that the Arthur and Guinevere reference in the Perlesvaus colophon refers to an already transpired disinterment of King Arthur at Glastonbury. The Colophon does not imply that, but scholars for generations have been cloned to believe this chronology of events. They have forced the pieces of evidence to fit their own theory and ‘assumed’ chronology.411  The reference in the Colophon rather takes the form of a statement of fact…. from someone who knows where the bodies are and who has planted Guinevere’s lock of hair along with bones which supposedly were Arthur’s in a grave between the Piramides that we are convinced by the ‘Leaden cross’ is Avalon.  This person knows where both bodies lie in a manufactured grave-site set up by him to be discovered in the future coincidentally just like Joseph in the future will be discovered as the Melkin Prophecy portends.

Obviously in the interpolated part of DA in the first 34 chapters, Henry deliberately points out the whereabouts so that in time (after his death) some monk in the future reading DA, like Henry de Sully,412 knows where to find the body between the two piramides. Don’t forget, both ‘chivalric Arthur’ and ‘Avalon’ are both innvovations created in HRB by Henry Blois posing as ‘Geoffrey’. By Gerald’s account the location of the grave was known prior to the disinterment. Also according to Gerald’s account we can deduce Henry Blois must have told King Henry II also before his death and possibly intonated the depth of the grave.

410Carley bases his assumptions thus: ‘even if it does not seem necessary to postulate a trip to England to account for the Glastonbury= Avalon= the place of Arthurian burial equation, there are still the internal allusions to which seemed to show a precise knowledge of the Glastonbury landscape. In the Lancelot scene in particular we have an obvious evocation of Glastonbury Tor (la Montaigne de la valee), the old church (chapel novelement faite…. covert de plon), and Chalice Well (‘un fontaigne mout cler’ which flows ‘de la hautece de la forest par devant la chapele’). Carley then concedes that it is not easy to account for ‘the reference to the stream flowing from the forest above past the chapel and here we may have at least the Echo of some sort of verbal communication to the author of Perlesvaus’. P.317

411Carley quotes Carman: Until after the latest year ever chosen by a reliable scholar as the date of composition of the Perlesvaus, the exhumation of King Arthur is not mentioned in any continental document, and Helinand of Froidmont actually affirms that Arthur’s grave has not been found. We just infer that the Perlesvaus, which alludes to this event must have been written in England.

412Henry de Sully who was abbot of Glastonbury and later became Bishop of Worcester in 1193 is a different person from Henry Blois’ Nephew of the same name.

Since Nitze and Jenkins found seven manuscripts containing parts of or the complete Perlesvaus, two more fragments have turned up. Modern scholarship has determined they are all linked with the north-eastern part of France. Rather they all emanate from Henry Blois. The Brussels manuscript (BR) and the Paris manuscript (P) contain a passage found in the ‘Wells’ fragment (We), but the (We) fragment is more closely related to the Oxford manuscript (o); although it is not a direct copy. The 14th century Welsh text of the Perlesvaus (W) is closely linked to the early printed editions of 1516 and 1523 (BL). However, BL and W are linked to the Oxford manuscript. All seem to derive from a common source.

Since Potvin’s (BL) was found in France at a late date, there is nothing to deny that it too originated from an early Glastonbury version in England. This would enable us to suggest an English source which would have been the source used by John of Glastonbury. If this English source was separate from a version of Perlesvaus created by Henry in France, this would explain the commonality of all the versions seeming to originate in France.  This assumption was based on the diction and style of writing. In effect, one could posit Henry as the originator of a British and French source which negates the convoluted rationales to the dating of Perlesvaus by Nitze which has squewed so many of modern scholars’ theories dating Perlesvaus after King Arthur’s disinterment at Glastonbury. Nitze fully concedes as his only useful ‘red line’: A priori, there can be no doubt that the writer had in mind the twelfth-century Glastonbury with its hill or Tor and its well-known Lady-chapel. The problem is that Nitze excludes Henry Blois as Perlesvaus’ original author based on Baist’s deductions and thus propounds further theories with no validity.

It would also explain how in the variations, the pseudonym of Henry Blois appears as Master Blehis. It answers the conundrum of how John of Glastonbury had an early copy of the Perlesvaus from which to construct his synthesis of all previous lore up to the time he wrote his Cronica.

A comparison of the Welsh text with the Wells text, establishes that the Wells text cannot be the direct source for the Welsh one. However, the Welsh version and the printed editions are a subgroup of the same family from which the Oxford and the Wells version are derived e.g. our primary British source, (as long as we allow BL originated in Britain). We know that the Wells version can be dated to the first half of the 14th century and was written in Britain. Analysis of the Wells fragment indicates that the original scribe was Anglo-Norman.

Carley suggests the providence of the Wells fragment appearing ‘less than 10 miles from Glastonbury Abbey makes it desirable to reconsider the thorny question of the relationship between Perlesvaus and Glastonbury’. In other words, it is time to consider who might be the common denominator.

Henry Blois has not been considered (even though the likeness of his name is said to be the authorial provenance), because of the assumption regarding the dating…. based on the colophon and its mention of Avalon; which to a scholar’s self set red line, can only exist at Glastonbury after the ‘Leaden cross’ appears at the disinterment of King Arthur 1189-90. The presumption of the use of the name Avalon only being known at Glastonbury after the disinterment of Arthur is based on another erroneous scholastic assumption. If it were accepted that most interpolations in DA were composed by Henry Blois, scholars today following Lagorio and Carley’s theories would not have stepped in the quagmire of inaccurate rationalisations which follow from a false-premise.

Scholars today have spuriously deduced that it was Henry de Sully who manufactured the grave-site of King Arthur. Henry Blois is adept in creating illusion. The reader concludes from the colophon of Perlesvaus that the Latin text of Perlesvaus is ancient…. from which we are led to believe, we now have the French translation. Especially poignant, as we progress through this quagmire of evidence and join these three previously disconnected genres of study…. we find that Henry Blois has planted a manufactured grave for  King Arthur at Glastonbury and left it to mature until after his death.

We must therefore take into account that we find the same notion in steering posterity to a conclusion that Arthur and Guinevere were to be found in the tomb at Glastonbury (Avalon in Perlesvaus) as indicated in DA,long before the concocted remains of King Arthur and Guinevere were discovered.

L’auteur du Haut Livre du Graal affirme même que son texte est copié d’un manuscrit latin qui a été trouvé en l’Isle d’Avalon en une sainte meson de religion qui siét au chief des mares aventurex, la oli rois Artuz e la roïne gisent.

The author of the High Book of the Grail even claims that his text is copied from a Latin manuscript which was found in the Isle of Avalon in a house of holy religion which sits atop reaching tides where King Arthur and Queen Guenievre lie’.

The first observation is that the colophon does not insist or intonate that Arthur and Guinevere have been found. Mares aventurex could also be translated as ‘hazardous marshes’ which would have aptly described the wetlands of Somerset in the 12 century.  The author i.e. Henry Blois knows that King Arthur and Guinevere ‘lie’ at Glastonbury because he put their ‘bits’ in the grave while Henry Blois was still alive. Henry de Sully only uncovered them! There is nothing to say that the Perlesvaus was not written by Henry Blois prior to the unearthing of their gravesite as it certainly was!!!.

Henry Blois had not only planted, but left directions toward the gravesite in chapter 31 of DA: but I omit it from fear of being tedious. I pass over Arthur, famous King of the Britons, buried with his wife in the monks Cemetery between two pyramids, and many other leaders of the Britons.

We shall cover this point later in the chapter on DA, but obviously if Henry Blois wrote this and planted the body of Arthur, it is hardly surprising we find Gerald’s eye witness testimony that he saw Guinevere’s lock of hair and wrote about the disinterment of King Arthur that:

for the King had said many times, as he had heard from the historical tales of the Britons and from their poets, that Arthur was buried between two pyramids that were erected in the holy burial-ground.413

It becomes obvious who must have planted the grave in progression of the evidence provided in this work section by section  in this exposé,  but what is extraordinary is that scholars such as Carley choose to ignore what an eye-witness has to say because how can his theory fit with Gerald’s testimony.

413As we have previously covered, Gerald was very closely connected to Henry II, so to imply that the King had spoken on many occasions of the location of Arthur’s burial would lead us to believe that he had been informed of the depth and location by the person who had planted it and had knowledge of its whereabouts.

Gerald actually states that the inscribed cross found in the grave has Guinevere’s name on it. The interpolated part of DA composed long before the disinterment states that Arthur is buried with his wife. Both the ‘leaden cross’ and what was written in DA is provided courtesy of Henry Blois to ensure his manufactured grave was discovered.

We get back to the most obvious point which shows that this reference in DA about the whereabouts of the grave must precede the disinterment of Arthur as no other incidents (such as Gerald relates) about the disinterment were mentioned in DA. How could these details mentioned by Gerald exist in the DA?

Henry Blois the interpolator of DA was not present at the disinterment and nor was the supposed scribe who wrote the interpolations in DA. There was no later scribe that interpolated the first 34 chapters of DA. The only later interpolations into DA are minimal and discussed in the section on the DA

The only way modern scholars can excuse the lack of fanfare/coverage about the exhumation of the supposed  grave… not covered by the DA,  is to contradict their own proposal in that the disinterment was a propaganda exercise. If it was a later propaganda exercise  surely the information covered by Gerald would have been expanded more in the DA than Gerald had related. And why leave it to Gerald anyway to cover the events of the disinterment if the scholar’s theory had any merit????

There is no evidence which runs contrary to my position which is that:  20-30 years prior to Arthur’s discovery, Henry Blois manufactured a grave site; again, based on an idea Henry Blois’ muses had recognised in the Melkin prophecy i.e. of the discovery of a famous person in history found in the future and used that idea in the manufacture of King Arthur’s grave.

It makes no sense for scholars to insist the composition of Perlesvaus post-dated the disinterment of Arthur. It is worth noting also, how intently the Old Church414 was being focused on as being synonymous with the Grail chapel (upon which the Grail chapel was modelled). Yet the supposed Island on which that Chapel was supposed to exist is the tor (‘atop’ in the colophon) a mile or so away from the Abbey where ‘ealde Chirche’ existed at the time of composition of the Perlesvaus.

Henry Blois, as he does in the St Patrick Charter, is using both the St Michael church on the Hill as part of the same establishment as below at the abbey and interrelates them both. The fact that the DA avers that the wattle church was renovated and covered in lead (in the first 34 chapters of DA which is known to be interpolated) should of course alert scholarship to the possible coincidental authorship of Perlesvaus and to the dating of the interpolations in DA.

414Il cevaucha tant qui lest venus a l’ avesprer en un grant valee,o il avoit forest e d’une parte d’autre; e dure bien la valee grans lieus galoshes. Il esgarde a destre desor la montagne de la valee, e voit un chapel nouvellement faite, qui mout estoit bele e riche; si estoit covert de plon, e avoit par desore deux croix, qui sembloient ester d’or.  The assumption that Arthur and Gawain go to Avalon and see Guinevere and the fact that Guinevere was supposedly disinterred with Arthur at Glastonbury (when added as a proof to what is avowed on the leaden cross), has led modern scholars to believe that Glastonbury must be the location of Avalon.

Carley states that: ‘both the internal passages and the colophon make it abundantly clear that the author of Perlesvaus must have had Glastonbury in mind when he described Avalon and that he must, therefore, have heard about the famous Arthurian excavation of 1191. From this incontestable fact both Nitze and Carman deduced that the author must have come to England himself to obtain news of the discovery.   It needs to be stated unequivocally by me:  the author of the original Perlesvaus was in England and most emphatically he had Glastonbury in mind.  The author of the source Manuscript of Perlesvaus is the same person who invented Avalon in the HRB. Henry Blois created Arthur’s grave site and was not alive at the excavation.  What Carley avers as ‘incontestable’ because Nitze and Carmen made a false assumption is irrelevant hot air from Carley as usual. It should rather be understood that Henry indicated where to find Arthur’s tomb in his interpolations into the DA before he died. The initial author of the contents found in the Perlesvaus had never heard about the famous Arthurian excavation of the 1191…… he was the instigator and manufacturer of the grave site of Arthur and Guinevere  20-30 years before the unveiling transpired!!!

The Cove stone within Avebury stone circle is where the bifurcation or fork occurs between the Michael line and the Joseph line at 13 degrees. The line extends for 104 nautical miles from this stone to within 1 yard of the entrance to the tunnel on Burgh Island.

 Anyway, to continue unravelling the translation of the Prophecy of Melkin: Most translators have rendered the translation of sperulatis locum habitantibus tredecim ‘where the aforesaid 13 spheres rest’. The word ‘sperulatis’ has in this case been employed cryptically as a relevant part of the instructional material. Without decoding it’s meaning (as pertaining to ‘degrees’) the direction of 13° just becomes a random number of 13, lost along with the 104 in the meaningless riddle.

The original use of the word is ‘sperulis’, from which we derived sphere/circle at the beginning of the prophecy, related to the stone circle of Avebury.  Melkin gives the impression he is referring back to ‘sperulis’ by employing the word “aforementioned” trying to convince the reader that the two words ‘sperulis’ and ‘sperulatis’ have one and the same meaning. However, his use of the word for the second time has the same sense as in ‘circle or sphere’ but latterly the word is employed differently in the a diminutive form. This small circle is the symbol for degrees i.e. 13°…. the symbol being a small circle °. The circle glyph in its origins was used to represent degrees in early navigation being representative of the globe and symbolising its divisions of that spherical globe

We know we are dealing with geometric instructions in the prophecy of Melkin. Otherwise the prophecy is meaningless if it pertained to the abbey grounds at Glastonbury. In the contortions of previous interpretations at Glastonbury of Melkin’s prophecy, no commentator, scholar or monk has tried (in their ingenuity) to weave the number 13 into any bogus directions in connection to the ‘bifurcated line’ and the old church before it was burnt. In other words, they can find no relevance to the meaning of the number 13 or relevance to its inclusion in the numerical data provided in the obtuse latin cryptogram.

Melkin’s ingenuity has prevented the ‘13’ ever been associated with the enumerated angle at the point of bifurcation. The essence of the prophecy is indecipherable if the initial line which runs across Britain is believed to be in some way relative to where the old church was situated. This misrepresentation was cleverly depicted by the bogus directions on the twelfth or thirteenth century bronze plaque.

The word locum is rendered as ‘where’ by most commentators, but this same word also translates as ‘tomb or sepulchre’ in Ainsworth. Locum generally understood by translators as locus, refers to a place such as the location or place being discussed.

The word habitantibus means to ‘dwell’ or ‘abide’ and seems very out of place in this sentence. We could speculate that if ‘habit’ and ‘antibus’ were split….the sense of ‘dwelling opposite’ the 13 degree angle might be a feasible understanding of the word.  It is only because ‘habitantibus’ is unusual, especially in this section of the directional part of the prophecy, that it would seem that the word needs to be split. Some commentators have contrived the sense as the thirteen sperulatis actually ‘dwelling’.  The reader can see how accurate Melkin has been…. and by carrying out a simple trigonometric calculation of the angle between the bifurcated lines, the precise angle is 12.838568 degrees on google earth, which is only about 9 ‘seconds’ out.

The prophecy of Melkin is a puzzle to be unlocked, not a piece of prose designed to highlight Joseph’s presence at Glastonbury Abbey. From the Latin below, we can only hope to make sense by applying not only directions on the landscape but topographical detail as well, so a few liberties have been taken in trying to make an overall sense of what Melkin intended by:

Et iacet in linea bifurcata iuxta meridianum angulum oratori, cratibus praeparatis, super potentem adorandam virginem, supradictis sperulatis locum habitantibus tredecim.

‘Both lie in a bifurcated meridian line in a pre-prepared cave near a chapel that is above it; where one prays at the verge high up in Ictis.  In a tomb they reside opposite a thirteen degree angle’.

Or

Both lie on a bifurcated line which is at an angle to a meridian in a previously readied crater up at the verge near where on prays up high in Ictis in a place opposite at 13 degrees they dwell.

Or

Both lie in a bifurcated line in a tor by the sea above in a prepared crater in a tomb above which is the mighty adorable virgin and they dwell opposite an angle of thirteen degrees on a meridian.

Or

Both lie on a line that is two forked between that and a meridian, in an angle on a coastal Tor, in a crater, that was already prepared and above is where one prays which one can go at the extremity of the verge, high up in Ictis is the place they abide at thirteen degrees.

In the caption above we can see the 13° formed between the Michael line and the Joseph line which ‘bifurcate’ inside the ‘sphaerula’ at Avebury at the Cove stone.

Habet enim secum Ioseph in sarcophago duo fassula alba & argentea, cruore prophete Jhesu & sudore perimpleta:

This sentence is usually translated asJoseph has with him in the sarcophagus two vessels, white and silver, filled with the blood and sweat of the Prophet Jesus’.

It is wholly down to the interpretation of Melkin’s prophecy that the ‘duo fassula’ becomes synonymous with the Holy Grail. Over time, the importance of the prophecy has transformed the duo fassula to become synonymous with the two jugs on the heraldic shield of Glastonbury. The Glastonbury establishment has attempted to concur with as many features in Melkin’s prophecy such as the purposeful construction of the bronze plaque with its spurious directions which according to the rasonings the plaque was made it marks where the old church once stood after it had burned down.

Lagorio and Carley have assumed the Melkin prophecy is mimicking the vessel of the Grail having erroneously concluded that the origins of Grail literature’s provenance to have emanated from the continent. This is just ignorant of the fact that Henry Blois had seen the Melkin prophecy in his lifetime. The misguided assumption of scholars is incorrect and just shows that Carley’s later pronouncements are cloned on this incorrect conclusion adduced by his mentor Lagorio. Henry Blois was inspired by what he thought were ‘vessels’ in the prophecy of Melkin. Glastonbury is conforming to the prophecy…… not an invented prophecy conforming to any existent tradition at Glastonbury derived from Grail literature as is put forward by Lagorio. 

The implication is that…… in the sarcophagus or tomb, Joseph has with him the two ‘fassula’. Why would someone in the thirteenth or fourteenth century invent two vessels along with words like sperula and sperulatis that have no bearing on the church at Glastonbury? Why invent two numbers like 13 and 104?  

As I have pointed out, ‘thirteen’ is not even utilised as part of any existing lore which tries to equate the number’s relevance to the old church, with a measurement or direction. Why, if the prophecy is an invention based upon continental Grail literature, would the supposed fraudster and inventor of the prophecy of Melkin go to the effort of finding an explanation that the 104 is a misprint for 144 and then apply it as referring to saints from the book of Revelation? How the fuck does a one hundred and four mile line terminate precisely on an Island anyway!!! Let alone that it bifurcates an existing line at 13 degrees. You just have to be as thick as Carley not to get that!!! 

It is not difficult to see that the institution of Glastonbury is complying with the prophecy in an effort to find common features from the prophecy; which are then made to appear as pertaining to a fictitious burial site of Joseph of Arimathea at Glastonbury relative to the church.

If this were an exercise in writing a prophecy that conformed to features found at Glastonbury…. even I could have made my intended fraud easier to be understood. It would be simpler to omit what appear to be random numbers such as thirteen and one hundred and four and terms (such as sperulatis) which are hard to equate with any prospective burial site at Glastonbury.

The prophecy does not fulfil the proposed intention for which dullards like Carley have insisted the prophecy was fabricated. It truly would be the most startling coincidence that someone could invent a prophecy from supposedly composite parts (referring to Baybars etc. in the east) which coincidentally directs by its data to an island unintentionally….. which by chance we then find that same island  was donated to Glastonbury i.e. Burgh Island the modern day name for Ineswitrin. This is tMelkin’s intention for composing the prophecy as it starts with the word insula…. but obviously in its original form pertained to Ineswitrin not Avallonis.

It would also be an amazing coincidence that all the pertinent information supplied in the prophecy without leaving out one piece of data (which is supposedly deemed  redundant data by Carley), formulates a solution of a line on a map (entirely relevant) which located an island in Devon.

This island coincidentally, as I show in the section on Ictis was an Island used by Tin merchants an…..lo and behold that was the trade of Joseph of Arimathea….. about which the prophecy speaks!!

 In other words, the coincidence would be that Joseph of Arimathea by way of association with the tin trade is also indicated to be buried on the Island thought to be Ictis and yet this same island geographically is found to be the same Island by deciphering Melkin’s riddle in which Joseph of Arimathea is specifically mentioned.

This scenario would be a truly remarkable set of coincidences 800 years after the prophecy’s supposed invention by John of Glastonbury as is ridicoulously proposed by scholars. Yet if we are to follow our expert’s analysis of why the prophecy was invented; what was the point of the prophecy’s invention, as Joseph’s body has still not been located at Glastonbury? 

Ironically, what may have prevented a falsified find of Joseph’s remains was the fact that Glastonbury monks were unable to produce something so sacred as the blood and sweat of the Lord Jesus.

The Prophecy of Melkin leads the reader by way of purposeful design to believe that the ‘duo fassula’ holds two liquids, blood and sweat. So, from the Latin ‘vas’ a vase, or ‘vascula’ a vessel…. commentators have assumed the word ‘vassula’ as the container of a liquid.

A ‘fasciola’ however, is a bandage and a ‘fasceola’ is a swaddling cloth or a cloth swathe

Alba translates as ‘white’ and more commonly refers to a ‘white cloth’. This might imply that if the body of Jesus is found with the body of Joseph as the prophecy implies, Melkin might be inferring a white grave cloth. Could this be the Turin Shroud of which there was mention in all four Gospels?

Argentea generally translates ‘of silver’. It also has another meaning of plated (as in silver plated) but also means ‘overlaid’. Is this the heart of Melkin’s message which really shows who it is that Joseph brought to England and the proof?

Cruore from ‘Cruor’, translates as blood. The Glastonbury ‘cruets’ as vessels or as Father Good referred to them as golden ampullae are purely derived from word association from the Latin word for blood, ‘cruore’ which led to ‘cruet’. This is another case of Glastonbury lore conforming to the prophecy and not the prophecy conforming to lore at Glastonbury.

Some people have chosen to translate as ‘two cruets’, leaving out the word ‘fassula’ as the vessel. They have mistakenly represented the blood supposedly contained in the vessel as the vessel itself, which held the blood. Again, one must wonder why such contortions took place if the prophecy were a late invention.

In no way are the two beer jugs as represented in the Glastonbury Arms in anyway representative of the Grail…. if Glastonbury monk craft were following an established Grail tradition, a stupid theory put forward by Lagario. Rather, Glastonbury is seen to be doing its best to conform to features found within the wording in the Melkin Prophecy.

Why, if ‘monk craft’ at the abbey were mimicking a Grail tradition does Glastonbury lore stray from the singular Grail into two vessels? A question somehow conveniently overlooked by the the experts!!

It is Henry Blois who consolidates his misinterpretation of the duo fassula straight from his having seen the Melkin prophecy into the Grail cup of the last Supper …..and from where Robert de Boron (Henry Blois) gets his idea of the vessel used at the ‘last supper’.

Henry Blois as a serial ‘conflator’ adapted a couple of ‘Vessels’ into a singular Grail, based on the cup from the last supper. The Melkin prophecy predates Henry Blois’ expansion of the idea of a Grail cup through his muses into an icon of Grail Literature. It should be understood by all students of Grail literature that: Henry’s interpretation of the duo fassula is the singular primordial germ of the icon of a Grail Cup in all Grail Literature.

Sudore translates as sweat or travail.  Melkin’s real intention is that the enigmatic ‘duo fassula’ is a doubled swathe or breast cloth from ‘fasciola’. The swathing cloth, is a ‘doubled’- ‘duo’, white cloth covered in sweat and blood from Jesus, (overlaid, from ‘argentea’, as one would overlay an image with silver). If Geoffroi de Charney who was the first to exhibit the Turin Shroud, had removed it from the tomb it would explain its sudden appearance in the 1350’s.415

Perimpleta has always provided the word for ‘full’, in the context of‘filled with the blood and sweat’ by most commentators on the prophecy. Perimpleta is not a word in its own right that has meaning, so one can conclude it must be part of the riddle to be solved. It can be made up from ‘per – impleta’, coming from the verb ‘impleo’ which means ‘I fill up’. ‘per-‘ is a common Latin prefix for emphasis, i.e. ‘completely’.  ‘Pleta’ comes from ‘pleo’ which simply means ‘I fill’. So, if Melkin is not giving misdirection by association and there are not two vessels alongside Joseph in the tomb, I would suggest another way of looking at Melkin’s riddle.

‘Peri’ is a word meaning ‘around’ and is usual as a prefix meaning enclosing, as in the word ‘perimeter’. ‘Pleta’ giving, ‘I plait’ in English, meaning to fold or as the definition gives, “to bend cloth back over itself”. Melkin has a message to convey, otherwise why include it in the prophecy? Is he implying that Jesus is in an ‘enclosed fold’ or ‘enclosed in a fold’? The breakdown of the word appears to imply the Turin Shroud is the article that Melkin is describing. This would mean the tomb on Burgh Island has been discovered already by the Templars.416 Is Melkin informing the world that a ‘doubled grave cloth, covered with blood and sweat from the prophet was folded over Jesus and was present in the tomb when he wrote?

415Goldsworthy. And Did Those Feet. His theory is that the Templars discovered the tomb on Burgh Island and removed the shroud alone. Goldsworthy does not however note that if the Templars had found the tomb and had produced the shroud and also had knowledge of a body…. he omits to comment on the fact that it would be a good reason for the pope (conspiring with King Philip) to give orders for all Templars to be murdered across Europe on Friday 13th  in October 1307. If the body of Jesus had been discovered on Burgh Island it would be the end of the Vatican.

416If we consider that the Michael line is shadowing an existing line demarcated by monuments from the Neolithic era…. someone in the modern era has aligned the churches which constitute the St Michael line. The wealth for such an endeavour can only come from a wealthy institution like the Templars.

Habet enim secum Ioseph in sarcophago duo fassula alba& argentea, cruore prophete Jhesu & sudore perimpleta:

‘Joseph has with him in the sarcophagus a doubled white swaddling cloth covered with the blood and sweat of the prophet Jesus that was folded around him’.

We could speculate that Joseph has with him in the tomb a doubled white folded cloth that was laid over the prophet Jesus and outlined by his sweat and blood. The Koran refers to Jesus as the prophete Jhesu. Melkin by naming Jesus is also hinting at the person behind the Abbadare enigma.

Cum reperietur eius sarchofagum integrum illibatum, in futuris videbitur et erit apertum toto orbi terranum:

The translations of this sentence appear for the most part as: ‘Once his sarcophagus is discovered, it will be seen whole and untouched and then open to the whole world’. Another way of translating the above could be: ‘With the discovery of his tomb, which will be whole and undefiled, from thenceforth it will be viewed and open to the entire world’. The word integrum translating as ‘entire or whole’ is in reference to the body of Jesus being preserved by cedar oil in the Grail Ark as has been explained by Kim Yale and Michael Goldsworthy.

Ex tunc nec aqua nec ros celi insulam nobilissimam habitantibus poterit deficere:

‘from then on, those who dwell in that noble island will lack neither water nor the dew of heaven’

Melkin starts the sentence ‘ex tunc’ or literally ‘from that time’, indicating the expectation of change at the point of time when the tomb is unveiled. The insulam nobilissimam translating as ‘noble Island’ is from where Henry Blois got the idea for having Arthur brought to an island (the mythical Avalon) when composing the HRB….and then extended it to where King Arthur would come from as part of the ‘Briton hope’.

Per multum tempus ante diem Judioialem in iosaphat erunt aperta haec, & viventibus declarata:

Most translations of this passage differ only slightly: ‘for a long time before the day of judgement in Josaphat, these things will be openly declared to the living’.

With modern scholarship freely admitting to large scale fraud at Glastonbury abbey, it is extraordinary how accepting scholars are of an unsolved mystery and how ready they are  to rationalise contradictory positions. Does scholarship really think that the prolific inter-relationship of Arthuriana, Glastonburyana and the Grail edifice just happened randomly i.e. formed, following on from what ‘Geoffrey’ (based at Oxford) wrote of King Arthur?  Did not the King Arthur story suddenly appear in the exact era that Henry Blois was abbot of Glastonbury, Bishop of Winchester, Legate to the pope and brother to the King. Yet, not one commentator has even discussed Henry Blois as instigator or author of Life of Gildas because they think Caradoc was a contemporary of ‘Geoffrey’s’ by believing Henry Blois’ misdirection.

Few researchers have even mentioned Henry’s name in connection with the three genres under investigation in this exposé. Henry Blois is the man who avowed on the Mosan plates that the greatest worth (more than riches) was the art of the Author; the man who compared himself to Cicero.417 Authorship was the aspiration to which Henry Blois accounted great worth. Are we really to believe a man who held such thoughts, even to the extent of revealing his passion on his self composed epitaph on the Meusan plates, only left the dull record of his deeds at Glastonbury?

417Ironically, James Carley, the expert on affairs at Glastonbury and Athuriana says of Henry Blois: Although he did not himself produce any work of erudiction, he was a supporter of scholarship and was a patron of two fine writers: William of Malmesbury and Gerald of Wales. Glastonbury Abbey p.20. As an expert, one probably could not make a bigger gaff, but scholarship’s naivety concerning Henry Blois’ association with Glastonbury lore and especially the Melkin prophecy is endemic…. because every student follows what the dimwitted and pontificating Carley proposes no matter how incredulous his theories become!!

There is no concise position on the Prophecy of Melkin by experts. Supposed academics would not recognise Ictis if it had a sign on it…. or equate Joseph of Arimathea’s tin trading connections in association with it. Most archaeologists dig up ancient detritus and have never heard of the island of Ictis. They have no idea of the practicalities of navigation in antiquity or seamanship or for that fact the testimony of Strabo who gives good reason why the Astragali were discovered  so close to Burgh Island. 

Scholars who study medieval literature, such as ‘Geoffrey’s’ HRB, know that it has little historical accuracy and yet it pretended to be an accurate historical record. If they do not accept ‘Geoffrey’s’ history and recognise fraud; why accept naïvely the fraud of the created persona of Geoffrey of Monmouth or Glafridus Artur?

Nothing is known about the man who wrote the most popular blockbuster in the medieval era and what is known about him is as dubious as the contents of HRB. The fact that scholars have accepted Henry Blois’ scribble of Galfridus Artur’s signature on a few charters around Oxford and the fact that a totally bogus Bishop of Asaph signs alongside Henry Blois on the Treaty of Winchester…. has convinced them of ‘Geoffrey’s’ real existence. Sluggards the lot of them but they will not recieve instruction they just like to give it, like the blind leading the blind!!!

 Historians have combed through works which provide the basis for Glastonburyalia knowing they are full of forgeries. Few commentators have been looking for the architect; the common denominator, who combines Arthurian material in HRB and continental Grail literature and who connects these subjects to Glastonbury.

Modern research should focus on which manuscripts provide essential building blocks for Henry’s edifice and whether or not these manuscripts were fraudulently written by the most prolific author in the 12th century and the person responsible for the largest interpolative fraud in William of Malmesbury’s DA.

If we leave the task of elucidation up to the university lecturers teaching the next generation who believe Henry Blois did not himself produce any work of erudiction; then the three genres of work under investigation will never become clearer to the next generation of Medieval scholars currently in our universities. 

If scholars had recognised the perpetrator in Henry Blois, rational deductions could be made…. such as Master Blehis, Blaise, Bliho-Bleheris, having a similar name to Monseigneur Blois in Grail literature….or the coincidence of the glorification of Winchester in HRB…. and Henry’s connection with the metropolitan request found as precience in the Merlin prophecies.

If there was any intellectual merit to the term ‘medieval scholarship’ they should have deduced Henry Blois was behind the creation of Avalon as well. Yet I am accused of being ‘mad’ because of their inability to recognise fraud, interpolation and Henry Blois’ influence of the propagation of his authored works.

Because of this lack of vision, Joseph lore has been discounted and is thought to have arrived at Glastonbury from France. Melkin’s prophecy has been suspect because of a flawed chronology in assuming Arthur and Joseph and Avalon were not interpolated into DA until after Arthur’s disinterment. At least, where Avalon and Arthur are concerned, Gerald even contradicts this spurious assumption of modern scholars. Typically, medieval scholars have chosen to ignore Giraldus’ testimony, the only eyewitness account; to make their theories fit together by cherry picked rationalised theories; non of which stand scrutiny once our three genres are brough together. Again, we shall deal with Gerald’s evidence later.

Armitage Robinson first implies Melkin’s prophecy to be fake, following the rational based upon the apparent late emergence of Joseph of Arimathea mentioned in manuscripts. Margret Murray, contrives a Coptic origin for Melkin’s prophecy and Aelred Watkin thinks it could be oriental in origin.418

418Glastonbury Abbey and the Arthurian tradition. P.26

Aelred Watkin goes on to say ‘It could be a tour de force of monastic forgery. It is either the earliest or latest link in the chain that connects Joseph of Arimathea with Glastonbury. It is either of great or of almost no significance….’  I am no scholar, but this does sound as if Watkin has not formed any useful opinion and is sitting on the fence. However, I would rather Watkin’s prevarication than Carley’s pretence of learnèd authority concerning the prophecy of Melkin. Though his sedentary and wholly rationalised pontifications Carley has mis-directed a generation of cloned medievalist ‘experts.’

Let me state for the record: Melkin’s prophecy is of the greatest significance, but it is Henry Blois who connects Joseph of Arimathea with Glastonbury by changing the title of the subject island about which the contents of the prophecy apply to Insula Avallonis.

The prophecy of Melkin is the earliest link which connects Joseph to an object (the duo fassula) which is related to Jesus…. and which Joseph brought to an island called Ineswitrin, through his connection as a tin merchant; now called Burgh Island. Joseph did this to avoid the Jews of Jerusalem who had in effect condemned his son to death. He brought the body of his son to an Island he had traded with (in the past) which had been shut down as an operating tin mart by the Roman occupation just after the incident recorded by Strabo which we covered earlier.

Bale and Pits posit that Melkin wrote a book titled ‘De Regis Arthurii mensa rotunda’. Why they would do this if no book existed, we can only speculate. However, this was long after ‘Geoffrey’ and no volume has come to light. My view is that this book (judging by its title) was written by Henry Blois even though Wace is supposed to be the first to have mentioned the round table. We will cover later in the chapter on Wace how it would be impossible for Wace to be the author of the Roman de Brut, but the author could only be Henry Blois providing one accepts Henry composed HRB. The chances are that John of Glastonbury derived certain extracts from this book written by Henry titled ‘De Regis Arthurii mensa rotunda’ supposedly written by Melkin, corroborating HRB’s fictions such as Arviragus’ role in history and obviously Wace’s round table. 

The chivalric round table (mensa rotunda) where all around it are equal is Henry’s own expansion on his HRB when posing as Wace. He impersonates the real Wace, for the most part versifying the First Variant version.  Henry Blois’ Roman de Brut made sure the HRB with minor expansions was written in his own vernacular. Thus, the tales of Arthur spread quickly across the continent. Wace, (impersonated by Henry Blois) claims he was not the source of the ‘round table’ obviously implicating the supposed book by Melkin, yet coincidentally no-one can date the Round table’s manufacture accurately or determine when it happens to turn up at Winchester or the source for its appearance in Wace.

The HRB written in Latin before the Roman de Brut could only be understood by the educated clergy and courtiers. ‘Wace’s’ version in norman vernacular made HRB more accessible. The fact that the ‘round table’ is associated with Winchester is another indicator of Henry’s stamp of authorship. What convinces me most is the fact that in 1155…. Henry is publishing the Vulgate HRB (or at least the latest version of prophecies) and yet ‘Wace’ says he wrote the Roman de Brut in 1155.  In reality, he must have started it at least two years previously, hence the reason why the first half of Wace’s poem is derived from the First Variant version.419   Scholarship is still in the dark as to why ‘Wace’ commenced his project of verifying HRB with First Variant and concluded the Roman de Brut with the Vulgate version as a template. It is not improbable that Henry Blois commissioned the Winchester Round table. The story that it was built by Cornish carpenters is of a later date, but it could well date from 1170-1200. There is no definitive expert opinion which could deny this date as a speculation…. as there are so few samples with which to compare the dendrology.

419There is a possibility that Harley MS 6358 reflects a state of composition in that it too is split between a first Variant which ends with a Vulgate. Scholars assume this is a result of two copyists but like Wace’s Roman de Brut formed similarly, it may reflect a transitional stage from First Variant to Vulgate. What it probably reflects is that Henry Blois was versifying HRB before 1155 and completed it after that date using the later Vulgate version as a template. Harley MS 6358 may reflect Alfred of Beverley’s source of the evolved First Variant.

Robert de Boron’s Merlin  following Wace creates the round table in imitation of the table of the Last Supper and of Joseph of Arimathea’s Holy Grail table. The fact that nothing is known of ‘Robert’ except that he comes from the village of Boron just north west of Clugny, not far from Autun and Langres should make us suspicious that Robert’s knowledge of the Grail, and Avalon and Joseph is derived from Henry Blois…. an uncle to the main Grail propagators court at Champagne and Troyes.

What is known of Robert’s life comes from Joseph d’Arimathe where he applies to himself the title of meisters, just as ‘Geoffrey’ was magister, but later he uses the title messires meaning Knight. At the end of the Joseph d’Arimathe poem, he mentions being in the service of ‘Gautier of Mont Belyal’. Henry Blois just loves to portray a persona; but like Gaimar and Geoffrey (and Wace), what we are led to believe about the author’s persona in reality is usually based in some sort of identifiable and plausible reality.

However, Le Gentil’s misguided assumption is that the mention of ‘Avalon’ shows that ‘Robert de Boron supposedly wrote Joseph d’Arimathe after 1191, when the monks at Glastonbury claimed to have discovered King Arthur. This a priori is so misguided but endemic in modern scholarship.

Until it is accepted that most interpolations in DA were made by Henry Blois, there will be misinterpretation and until HRB is understood to be composed by Henry Blois; like a defective gene passed down to the next generation of Arthurian scholars the Matter of Britain will remain as an unresolved enigma. This misconception has been mainly promulgated by Lagorio and Carley and Crick in the recent era.   

Henry Blois, if he did not author both Robert’s Merlin and Joseph d’Arimathe, he is certainly the source of Robert’s material, which we shall cover later. To be clearer, Henry impersonated Wace, and interpolated Gaimar’s L’estoire des Bretons after 1155 by inserting the epilogue.

Henry’s inspiration for the Island of Avalon in HRB (not the name) derives from the prophecy of Melkin and its mystical island icon.  By Henry’s own propaganda, Avalon was purposefully being steered toward geographical location at Glastonbury as we see in VM. This proposition is evident in the transformation which is made in VM as early as 1155-7. Obviously, Henry had nothing to do with the actual act of unearthing Arthur at Glastonbury, but assuredly he is the instigator of the grave.

Henry, we can speculate, based on Gerald’s evidence instructs Henry II and also points out where Arthur is buried between the piramides in DA. We can speculate that Henry Blois informed King Henry where the body he had planted 10 or so years before his death might be found. This vital information was probably passed on to King Henry II when he came to visit Henry Blois the day before Henry Blois died.

The similarities between Adam of Damerham’s description of the unearthing of Arthur’s grave and that description found in Henry’s concocted De inventione are strikingly similar. I think that Adam has confused the two accounts to a degree. We may assume the Montacute dig took place c.1144 at the same time Looe Island was procured. At this period Henry was looking for Ineswitrin.

Henry Blois had no intention of unearthing the body of King Arthur in his own lifetime. He just laid the seeds for the future so that both Grail literature and HRB which spoke of Avalon became the location where Arthur was to be eventually found…. at Glastonbury. While HRB storyline was spread on the continent through ‘Wace’s’ work, the audience were being primed with Henry’s latter agenda….the offshoots of Grail literature. This propagation of early oral grail stories transpired for most of the decade of the 1160’s.

It is hard to believe that Henry de Sully would produce a ‘Leaden cross’ and promote Glastonbury as Avalon and more incredible that the entire population of England supposedly accepted the evidence of the cross alone…. and from thenceforth Glastonbury was synonymous with Avalon. 

The DA had many allusions to Arthur…. Life of Gildas placed Arthur at Glastonbury. Grail literature mentioned Avalon long before the discovery of Arthur’s body and all knew Avalon was in the west.  Avalon’s island location surrounded by apples in VM (under its other name as Insula Pomorum) leaves little scope for imagining it might be anywhere else…. considering Arthur was at Glastonbury in the kidnap episode and Arthur was last seen at the Island of Avalon (according to ‘Geoffrey’). It is the conglomeration of these factors (along with the Leaden cross) which brought the ready acceptance that Glastonbury was Avalon in 1191 when the bones were exposed. To believe Avalon had not been pre-ordained at Glastonbury by Henry’s propaganda before the disinterment and then readily accepted at the time Arthur was uncovered…. we just have to look at Gerald’s testimony.420

420See Chapter 27. Gerald of Wales and the discovery of King Arthur’s tomb.

This manufactured unearthing accompanied by the ‘Leaden cross’ is the very act that cements all Henry’s efforts. Here lies buried King Arthur in the Isle of Avalon. Avalon, from that moment onward, certainly became synonymous with Glastonbury. But, the major groundwork had been accomplished already by Henry’s interpolative efforts in the first 34 chapters of DA.

Obviously, William of Malmesbury only mentions Arthur in passing just enough to comment on the oral ‘hope of the Britons’.  Even though Henry employed various means in DA to make us believe that William was well acquainted with the name Avalon, William had no idea Avalon was commensurate with Glastonbury in his lifetime and the name is not in GR.  William’s words in GR: this is the Arthur, concerning whom the idle tales of the Britons rave wildly even today; a man certainly worthy to be celebrated not in foolish dreams of deceitful fables but in truthful history.

Another reason modern scholars deny the historical Melkin is because Bede does not mention Melkin. Bede, c.673–735 was an English monk at a Northumbrian monastery in modern Jarrow and even though the monastery had a good library, he would not have read Melkin’s works as they only existed at Glastonbury…. if any other manuscript apart from the Melkin prophecy and the 601 charter existed…. if indeed Melkin was the King of Devon. The best speculative proposition might be that the volumes mentioned by John  of Glastonbury,Pits and Bale (if they existed) may have been authored and deposited at Glastonbury by Henry Blois. Certainly, a manuscript existed at Glastonbury from which Melkin’s prophecy was extracted and the copy which had been adulterated now mentioned Avalon instead of Ineswitrin.

John Leland says he saw fragments of Melkin’s work, even a ‘volume of great antiquity’. As a guest of Abbot Whiting, Leland went right through the library at Glastonbury. He says he took notes from an ancient fragment of Melkin’s Historia and divulged certain facts about Melkin not found in the Prophecy. He says Melkin was born in Wales, and that he wrote a Historiola de Rebus Britannicis in prophecy form. Is this maybe the template for Merlin? Leland claimed that Melkin was a famous and erudite ancient British writer and a bard, of Welsh origin, and that he was the author of a “History of Britain” (Historiola de Rebus Britannicis), yet is it not a huge coincidence that Henry Blois as ‘Geoffrey’ decided to write a book on the same subject. One proposition might be that while pressure was mounting to find the author of HRB and ‘Geoffrey’ is seen to be distancing himself from its invented history by citing that his work is a mere translation of a book ex-Brittanica; it is possible that Henry Blois may be responsible for the authorship of the book seen by Leland which cites Melkin as author.

Is HRB’s bogus assertion that itself is a translation based on Walter’s book derived by notion of Henry Blois having seen some manuscript of Melkin’s.  Bale, Capgrave, Hardyng and Pits either give the titles of the books, supposedly written by Melkin or incidental added information from them. The three books which John Pits cites, as having been written by Melkin, are the, ‘De antiquitatibus Britannicis’, ‘De gestis Britannorum’ and ‘De Regis Arthurii mensa rotunda’. Any one of these three could have contained the Melkin prophecy cited in the Cronica by John of Glastonbury. It would be obvious to most that the title ‘De Regis Arthurii mensa rotunda’ would not have been written by the same Melkin as originally encrypted the genuine geometry which genuinely points out the position of Joseph of Arimathea’s burial island . De Regis Arthurii mensa rotunda’ is Henry’s work from which most probably JG obtained his information. The Melkin prophecy is not interpolated into DA as then the other interpolations in DA concerning Joseph become too obviously a fraud. Henry Blois understands that corroboration from various sources is a better for of persuasive propaganda.

It is really silly that scholars are in denial about Melkin’s prophecy considering De Regis Arthurii mensa rotunda’ said to be written by Melkin is at Glastonbury, is about King Arthur and the round table and that we know both subjects are Henry Blois’ inventions. But it does also show amongst a host of other evidence that Melkin’s name was known to Henry Blois. We could speculate that the other two titles may be genuine works of Melkin and if not; one or the other may have contained Henry Blois’ copy of the HRB so that it appeared there was a source book for HRB.

Even without the solution to Melkin’s prophecy which witnesses an intelligent design, the evidence points to the existence of a real person in antiquity. Whoever Carley thinks the fraudster is…. ‘Melkin’ has produced a coincidental set of numbers and clues which by transformation of the data provided in a cipher, transcribe to create a line onto a map and pin point an Island in Devon. Another reason for discounting Bede’s authority in connection with omitting reference to Melkin can be explained in what William of Malmesbury divulges in his GR. ‘Nay, they even report, that he (Bede) went to Rome for the purpose either of personally asserting that his writings were consistent with the doctrines of the church; or of correcting them by apostolical authority, should they be found repugnant thereto’.

What is a near certainty is that the Roman church, whether at an early stage (evidenced by the exclusion of Acts 29, see chapter 36), or even later, after Augustine’s arrival in Britain…. eradicated any rumour of Joseph (and possibly Jesus) in Britain and stamped it out. Rome made sure that its hereditary monopoly through St Peter was never challenged. The only residue of the British truth concerning Joseph of Arimathea and Jesus’ connection to Britain nowadays is the Cornish legend and a fortuitous find of Melkin’s prophecy indicating Joseph’s sepulchre is on Ineswitrin.

  Bede may have been censored by the Roman Church on what he says regarding any tradition found in Britain. These rumours as Augustine found in Britain when he arrived relates to the Britons: “who preferred their own traditions before all the churches in the world”, could only mean one thing. These traditions, if they incorporated the Uncle of Jesus, throw up primacy issues with Rome’s self-professed monopoly on Christianity; especially, if any substance were found in the rumours and were allowed to foment, regarding the supposed British traditions.

Since Melkin’s works probably came to Glastonbury at the time the grant was dated, (601AD), it is doubtful if Bede, far away in Jarrow, had even heard of Melkin. One can be sure though, that the Templars knew something that threatened  Rome’s monopoly on Christianity.

Carley states: My mentor for many years has been Valerie M. Lagorio, a fine and imaginative Arthurian scholar, one whose articles on the evolution of the Joseph of Arimathea legend must be regarded as definitive.

It is clear that I am annoyed at the complacency of modern scholars. Neither Carley’s nor Lagorio’s views are ‘definitive’. Carley’s presiding authority over Glastonburyana is obviously an extension of having found a niche subject on which to do his dissertation. This was his erudite work on John’s cronica. To compose a thesis on this work alone takes a vast amount of peripheral study by which he has become our present-day expert. It is a known fact that he assumes an air of the foremost authority on the goings on at Glastonbury. It is also known that he does not accept contrary opinions that do not dovetail with his own views.  Lagorio, similarly grew out of her dissertation which traced the development of the Joseph of Arimathea legend. Their views are neither definitive nor wholly correct. The impression one gets from them and a host of other scholars including Crick and Crawford, is that of entitlement to pronounce their theories as an incontestable truth over a whole domain of Arthurian scholarship.

The DA is a minefield unless one understands why DA was interpolated and by whom. Scott’s book421 has helpful insights.  Few have deigned to even scratch the surface of what is and is not interpolation in the DA.   In an unkind critique of John Scott’s translation of the DA (referring to it as ‘uninspired’) Carley does laud his mentor as the superior knowledge and fount…. from which, he has obviously followed and accepted all her views, concerning the Joseph tradition at Glastonbury:  Modern Scholars have examined the process of accretion which led to this connection and Valerie M. Lagorio, in particular has given a masterful analysis in her study on “The evolving legend of St Joseph at Glastonbury”.

421The Early History of Glastonbury. John Scott. Boydell.

Lagorio’s views have shaped Prof. Carley’s and Lagorio’s view is: As a consequence of the Arthurian affiliation, the abbey some fifty years later incorporated St Joseph of Arimathea into the legend of its foundation.

The fact is that Joseph and Avalon were established by Henry Blois in DA before 1171. Lagorio’s and Carley’s assumption (followed by Scott) is that after Chrétien de Troyes mentions the Grail or Robert de Boron had written Joseph d’Arimathie…. a Joseph tradition was incorporated at Glastonbury, upon which, Melkin’s Prophecy (supposedly much later) imitated the Grail by the invention of the duo fassula.  This viewpoint is the reverse of how events transpired in that…. the Grail (duo fassula) is the essence of Melkin’s Prophecy and the Melkin prophecy was most emphatically extant in Henry Blois’ era.

Their assumption is largely based upon the fact that Joseph is not mentioned in the St Patrick charter and their assumption is that the whole charter was written during the contretemps with the bishop of Bath.  This presumption of chronology is again incorrect. The charter of St Patrick was written by Henry Blois himself, probably just before his second attempt at gaining metropolitan status for Winchester in 1149; as I will show clearly in the chapter on the DA.

There would be no ‘Grail tradition’ without a ‘duo fassula’ ….and there would be no tradition of Joseph (except that found in Cornwall) without Melkin’s Prophecy. There would be no Avalon without the genuine prophecy of Melkin’s instructions (which point to Ineswitrin in Devon) which in turn became the basis for Insula Avallonis in Henry’s HRB. The name Avallon is based on the Burgundian town in the county of Blois, just as Karitia (Charite) and Autun and Langres are all cited in HRB by Henry’s personal knowledge of them.

Lagorio’s view of Joseph lore is that: to date, no-one has traced his slowly evolving legend, or tried to assess the many factors which promoted the successful joining of Joseph the saint with Arthur, the Hero King, in the hallowed grounds of Glastonbury.422

422Valerie.M. Lagorio. The evolving legend of St Joseph of Glastonbury.

The real problem is that everyone has accepted Lagorio’s conclusions thereafter which make it impossible (following her chronology) to successfully join the dots between Joseph, Arthur and Glastonbury. Without establishing Henry Blois as author of the HRB and the primordial Grail literature…. Lagorio is in no position to assess the many factors which promoted the successful joining of Joseph the saint with Arthur.

Until Henry Blois’ fraud or at least his hidden authorship is accepted, no-one will ever contemplate or understand the link between the three genres i.e. Geoffrey’s Arthurian work created in HRB along with the Vita Merlini; Glastonburyalia (embodied in Life of Gildas, DA and GR3 version B), and their connection to the origins of Grail Romance by one single mind. Until an intransigent scholastic community recognise they have been duped by Henry Blois and Joseph’s entire legend (as we know it) is based upon the Melkin prophecy (linked to Avalon by Henry Blois)…. scholarship is blindfolded.

Unfounded pronouncements such as Carley’s assessment of the prophecy of Melkin will prevent scholastic advancement in the Matter of Britain.  Lagorio has no solution as to how the Joseph legend arrived at Glastonbury believing it transpired through a ‘fortuitous convergence of factors’.  Where does she think the ‘extant legends of the abbey’s origins’ came from…. if not from DA when interpolated by Henry Blois.  Every commentator recognises fraud in DA, but the assumptions of Lagorio are misguided without recognising the early fraud of Henry Blois in connecting Joseph to Avalon before the discovery of King Arthur’s manufactured grave in Avalon.

Lagorio’s misunderstanding is based upon the assumption that any mention of Arthur in DA follows the discovery of his bones in the grave ( its location pointed to by information supplied in DA) and that Joseph lore at Glastonbury is a later insertion: She says: With this record of prosperity, Glastonbury had little need to enhance its glory with Arthur’s counterpart, Joseph of Arimathea. Yet around 1250 the monks quietly incorporated Joseph into their founding legend, possibly succumbing to the fortuitous convergence of factors supporting such a claim: the impact of traditional belief in Britain’s conversion to Christianity by an apostle; Joseph’s legendary status as an apostle and missionary; extant legends of the abbeys origins; and the Arthurian Grail cycle, which proclaimed Joseph as the apostle of Britain.

Who put out the propaganda supporting such a claim? Firstly, Henry Blois is the originator of the Arthurian Grail cycle as explained further on in this investigation. When we cover the DA in detail, it becomes clear that the bulk of the first 34 chapters of DA have been written by Henry Blois.

Ferdinand Lot (my uncle) dismisses Glastonbury legend as nothing more than invented by a conclave of falsehood… meaning monk-craft. Ferdinand Lot wrongly confirms scholarship’s viewpoint that the fraud evident in DA was carried out over a long period of time after the discovery of Arthur’s body and by many monks. The  viewpoint held by Medievalist scholars excludes the truth behind Henry’s inventions such as: The Grail as an icon derived from Melkin’s prophecy and the book which Henry must have written, (referred to as ‘Sanctum Graal’), was based on the duo fassula from the prophecy.

The Grail itself derives its name from the interpretation of the Melkin prophecy. The ‘holy blood’, contained in one of the supposed vessels, was interpreted as sang real. Logically, if there is no truth behind the ‘chivalric Arthur’ character found in HRB and his deeds are subsequently encompassed in a body of literature which involves Joseph of Arimathea and the Grail (and this is connected to Glastonbury lore), and we know the DA was presented to Henry Blois (and interpolated by him)…. then it becomes fairly obvious that the common denominator (once the originator of the Grail stories is accepted as Master Blehis) is Henry…. who is also ‘Geoffrey.’

The first step to any understanding of the Matter of Britain is to contemplate that Melkin’s prophecy existed at Glastonbury in Henry Blois’ era. Once one can understand that the island, about which the Melkin prophecy speaks, is the template of a non-geographically located Avalon…. transferred by Henry’s muses from a real island (Ineswitrin) to a mythical island presented in HRB…. one can then understand why it became the mythical island of HRB and who changed the name of the island on the Melkin prophecy.  The emblem of the Grail should be recognised as having been derived (again by Henry’s muses) from the duo fassula through ‘Master Blehis’ and the inspiration of Robert de Boron (if he existed). Robert’s knowledge of Joseph existed through Henry’s knowledge. Henry was Robert’s ‘Blaise’ and any knowledge of Joseph which Robert had…. came originally from Henry’s inventions which were based on the Prophecy of Melkin and were made to chime with Glastonbury as a location of Avalon through the interpolations in DA.

The glorification of Glastonbury as Avalon takes place after Henry’s return from Clugny in 1158. Glastonbury is never mentioned in HRB which only highlights the author’s connection to HRB in that Arthur had already been associated to Glastonbury by Henry Blois when he composed the Life of Gildas. Henry could not betray his authorship of the Vulgate HRB, especially now theMerlin prophecies were updated…. otherwise, he would then be implicated for inciting rebellion among the Celts through his prophecies.

It was a bit of a ‘chancy move’ to pay for the sculpture on the Modena archivolt and have Arthur associated with Glastonbury through the Kidnap episode represented from the Life of Gildas. HRB could not mention Glastonbury. If Henry got discovered, he would have been the laughing stock and branded a liar; but he was not going to let all his previous efforts in creating the psuedo historia destined originally for his uncle to go to waste. 

Winchester is however glorified in his work in First Variant and it ultimately led to Henry obtaining metropolitan status for Winchester in 1144. Winchester is mentioned more than any other place except London in HRB. We may speculate as to why Henry did this. Firstly, Winchester was the main city in southern England in the Saxon era and secondly after the Primary Historia was written, the second redaction (the First Variant) featured Winchester with early monasticism. This ploy indicated it was a religious house long before the Roman church’s usurpation of primacy at Canterbury. This of course is tied up with the effort to gain metropolitan status for Winchester by Henry Blois.

Glastonbury was going to be glorified through Henry’s invention of Grail stories concerning Joseph and through the planting of Arthur’s body in the graveyard near the abbey to be discovered in the future.

Someone has constructed the prophecy of Melkin to lead us to Burgh Island and has surely set out to manifest the whereabouts of Joseph of Arimathea’s tomb, leaving specific and precise instructions within his encrypted and bemusing Latin cipher. It was not Henry Blois. It was someone who knew what ‘is’ on Burgh Island.

If Melkin had wished to spell out the location of Avalon (or more accurately Ineswitrin) he would not have hidden his instructional data so cleverly and cryptically. if the reader of the encrypted geometrical data in the Latin cipher does not understand the start of the instructions i.e. knowing what the ‘bifurcated line’ refers to, there is no way of finding the Island on a map or working out the solution to the puzzle.

The ‘island’ is the primary subject of the Melkin prophecy. It is perfectly clear from the  encrypted puzzle of the Melkin prophecy that the tomb of Joseph is on the same island mentioned in the prophecy ( whether the name has been changed from Ineswitrin to Avalon or otherwise). Also, if Melkin had wanted us to understand immediately that Jesus was buried alongside Joseph, he would not have referred to him as ‘Abbadare’. There is no doubt that Melkin wanted someone in the future to understand this riddle…. otherwise there would be little point in constructing it by making its geometrical understanding obtuse. The clues in it are extraordinarily accurate and precise and could not randomly fall into an order to indicate Burgh Island by way of following instructions to draw a line on a map.

Who would employ a word like sperulatis which has no meaning, unless it was intended as part of a puzzle? The Latin in the prophecy is archaic and grammatically incorrect and who knows what single word could have been added or subtracted; but I do not think there has been any change except the name of the Island from Ineswitrin to Avalon.  Because of the numerical accuracy of the directional data, and the use of obtuse words, the prophecy is evidently original and has not for the most part been changed. However, Melkin was presented with a conundrum when constructing the cryptogram: how to carry into posterity the knowledge of a tomb and what it contained without destroying the very vehicle of the Christian religion in the monastic system by which the puzzle would be perpetuated into the future.

Melkin’s puzzle relates to the finding of a tomb. The evidence of what is found within will provide us with a different account of that which transpired immediately after the crucifixion, which is currently found in the Gospel accounts. That Joseph did come to Britain with an object (or two) is evidenced by the criteria put forward in Melkin’s prophecy. When the tomb is opened, what is found within will directly contradict Roman Catholic eschatology.

However, the Grail (which is the body of Jesus) will never be found without determining the key to the instructions in the prophecy which is Melkin’s linea bifurcate. Without this key, none of the other directional clues have any relevance. Especially where, some modern commentators are insisting that the linea bifurcata is a ‘folded linen’, which is complete nonsense. Also the scholastic community’s misunderstanding of the credibility of using the unit of the nautical mile (the 104 measurement) is based in ignorance, because Pytheas used this same immutable unit defined by the circumference of planet Earth.  Even the medieval chroniclers at Glastonbury understood the prophecy related to a geometrical instruction; even though, through bogus directions in geometrical terms while trying to find its relation to the old church at Glastonbury. It is purely coincidental that Melkin’s duo fassula turns out in reality to be the burial shroud of Jesus, but this is secondary to our present focus as Yale and Goldsworthy have provided an account on the appearance of the shroud in the modern era.

Linea bifurcata was surely understood as instructional or directional by the writer of the late liturgical piece, prefixed by Hearne to John of Glastonbury’s chronicle. Any affiliation between the old church and the bifurcated line’s bogus relevance to it could only exist after the fire in 1184, indicating the position of the then burnt ‘Olde chirche’.  The bronze plaque is fairly irrelevant to our inquiry regarding Henry Blois.

However, after relating information about a hypothetical line from the pillar on which the bronze plate was affixed, outside on the North, through the point up to which the eastern end of the ‘old church’ originally stood, the writer states: ‘near this line, according to certain ancient writers lies St. Joseph with a great multitude of Saints’.  It is also obvious that John of Glastonbury had understood that the ‘Linea’ was a directional relation to the old church as he writes: ‘amongst whom, Joseph also was buried, and placed (et positus) in linea bifurcate over against the aforesaid oratory’.

Most medieval commentators have assumed that Joseph was buried near the Old Church, in the grounds of Glastonbury Abbey since Henry Blois propaganda which focused the meaning of the prophecy to apply to the church at Glastonbury. The institution at Glastonbury Abbey has proactively encouraged and propagated such a position to find relevance to the church which had burnt. This is because of Henry’s propaganda in DA which implied that Joseph had built the original.

In Medieval times the ‘linea bifurcata’ was at least understood to be part of a geometrical instruction which would point out the location of the tomb of Joseph of Arimathea as it was intended by Melkin. The two supposed learnèd experts offer their considered opinions  about Melkin’s prophecy.

Prof. Valerie M. Lagorio writes: ‘a mystifying prophecy had arrived to Melkin, a pagan sage who supposedly lived before Merlin. In essence Melkin stated that Joseph, together with two cruets holding the blood and sweat of Jesus, was buried near the vestusa ecclesia; and that when his secret tomb was found and opened, the ancient island of Britain would never again know drought’.

She goes on to say: ‘the full import of this account rests less on the promise of future miracles than in the establishment of Glastonbury as Joseph’s and Arthur’s joint resting place’.

In The evolving legend of St Joseph of Glastonbury, she states ‘there is a very remote possibility that Joseph may have journeyed to the Glastonbury area of Britain and preached the faith there’. She further concludes, ‘if Joseph did come to Britain then his Glastonbury- accorded fame has a ring of poetic justice. Based on the known facts, however, it is only in the late 15th century England that the legend of St Joseph of Arimathea and Glastonbury came to full maturity’.

Lagorio has no understanding that the meaning of Melkin’s prophecy needs to be unlocked and therefore it was Melkin who composed the prophecy in order to convey a secret over time. By saying: a mystifying prophecy had arrived to Melkin, Lagorio is implying Melkin received a prophecy like a biblical prophet.  Melkin did not mention ‘cruets’ nor did he state that Joseph was buried near the vestusa ecclesia and certainly did not mention ‘drought’. Quite simply Valerie should not be mentoring Carley!!!

  Melkin’s words ‘At that time neither dew, nor rain, will lack from that noble island apply to ‘spiritual rejuvination’ not to any metrological future condition. I only mention this so that the reader can see that the purport of the prophecy is lost on Lagorio. 

Melkin had no idea that Joseph’s resting place in the future would be at Glastonbury. The fact that Joseph is thought to be at Glastonbury is entirely down to Henry Blois. If Henry had not replaced the name Ineswitrin for Avalon on the original prophecy, and used this name in HRB, Arthur would never have been unveiled at Glastonbury either. The prophecy of Melkin was Henry’s inspiration for manufacturing the grave-site ensuring the potential discovery of Guinevere’s and Arthur’s remains ‘in the future’. The Melkin prophecy foretold of Joseph’s sepulchre being found in the future. One is bogus, the other real.

The point is not whether Joseph might or might not have gone to Glastonbury, it is the fact that Joseph is buried on an island…. and the man who knew this (as a certainty) composed the prophecy i.e. Melkin. Lagorio has no understanding of the fraud of Henry Blois and even denies Melkin’s existence and ponders about Joseph going to Glastonbury. Without Henry Blois there would be no Joseph lore at Glastonbury.

Prof. James P. Carley’s views are mainly unfounded and contradictory also. Carley states: it was at roughly the period of Edward’s visit that the prophecy of Melkin the Bard was concocted at Glastonbury. Carley’s main reason for positing that Melkin’s prophecy was a fraud is that he believes, like his mentor, the prophecy was concocted as a consequence of the Grail tradition. The opposite is in fact true!!!!!

Henry Blois based the Grail tradition on Melkin’s knowledge of the whereabouts of the tomb and who was in it. Carley’s ’wholly respectable holy blood relic, historically unimpeachable, brought to England by Joseph of Arimathea’ is not fiction…. but is the basis of Grail literature first propagated by Henry Blois. Melkin’s prophecy was the source material for Henry’s muses. 

There is of course only one way to disprove this standpoint and that would be to go to Burgh Island and enter the tomb (which is now bricked up) with qualified archaeologists. Therein is the problem. There is no crossover of expertise. No archaeologists are qualified to assess the faulty views of medieval scholars. It is not their field of expertise to divine whether or not such a tomb exists. Those who supposedly have the expertise to advise archaeologists on the validity of the tomb’s existence have ineptly discounted Melkin’s prophecy. Hence the unfortunate necessity of this study; written by an untutored retiree to confound modern scholar’s mis-conceptions.

The fact that someone has entered the tomb since Melkin’s day is indisputable on two points. One is that the Turin shroud mentioned by Melkin came from the tomb. This is clearly shown by Goldsworthy and Yale. Secondly, the fact that some institution has tried its best to make sure that the information concerning the marker point of Montacute on Melkin’s line, (of which Father Good informed us), never reached the public domain. I will explain this shortly, but it involves the attempted destruction of Father Good’s information deposited in the English College at Rome, now found in just one of the copies of Maihew’s Trophea.

  We know that Arthur’s dis-internment was at a fabricated grave-site…. manufactured for posterity by Henry Blois and we know also Joseph has never been found at Glastonbury. Would it not be simpler to go to Burgh Island, the place we are directed to by a real person in history…. who had knowledge of what the tomb contains? Goldsworthy had tried to achieve this but was told by the local coroner he could do nothing. The owner of Burgh Island was then advised by experts that Melkin’s prophecy was a fraud.

The determining factor which has allowed the perpetuation of the Glastonbury fraud is the transposition of the island in Devon to which Melkin originally refers…. to Henry’s ‘fabulation’ of the island of Avalon at Glastonbury. The only fraud bigger than this is the continuance of the Roman Empire in the form of the oppressive Catholic Church.

If, as Scott suggests, there was a consolidating author of DA c.1230, why did the said author not eradicate the contradiction in foundation stories rather, than smoothing one into the other. I would imagine the date is considered a point at which the list of abbots ends in 1134 and the presumption that Joseph material is added in between this time and 1247 by a consolidator of DA. 

Melkin’s works were found at Glastonbury by Henry Blois probably along with William of Malmesbury while trying to find evidence of Antiquity for the old church. It is through Henry’s imposture, chicanery, guile, and craft and skill and inventiveness as an author…. on which Glastonbury’s notoriety exists. As the deception was subsequently believed and more extraneous lore was added (such as the bronze plaque), the modern understanding of Glastonbury’s status is that it ‘is’ Avalon…. the place where King Arthur was buried. Glastonbury’s lore is built upon King Arthur by the man who composed HRB. It is also built upon the appropriation of history which pertains to an island in Devon and the events that transpired there after the crucifixion.

I will cover the search for Joseph at Montacute shortly. However, in this next passage we can get a good idea of Carley’s understanding of Melkin and how Carley gets the chronology and reasoning about Glastonbury (the Montacute dig) and the prophecy muddled:

these two excavations can ultimately, I think, be linked with the figure of Joseph of Arimathea. After the stone cross found in Arthur’s tomb identified Glastonbury as ‘insula Avallonia’, it was only a matter of time before Joseph of Arimathea’s name (taken in this context out of the French Grail romances) came to be associated with Glastonbury and in 13th century additions to William of Malmesbury’s De Antiquitates Glastonie Ecclesie it is first stated that Joseph was the hitherto unknown apostle of Christ who evangelised Britain and built the wattle church at Glastonbury. With the Joseph legend came the Grail, which was transformed into an ecclesiastically respectable relic, two cruets containing the blood and sweat of Jesus. Ultimately Glastonbury produced writings by a Merlin like figure, Melkin the Bard, which articulated in a rather cryptic prophetic form Joseph’s role in early Glastonbury history. In Melkin’s prophecy it is made quite clear that Joseph’s place of burial is unknown and that if the tomb is ever found great miracles will occur.

No matter how one understands the words of Melkin’s prophecy, ‘Joseph’s role at Glastonbury’ is not implied and nor is Glastonbury mentioned. This only comes by implication as subsequent monks, historians or chroniclers have been duped by Henry’s fraud. Again, it is Henry’s transformation of the genuine island of Ineswitrin by substituting its name as Avalon and the bogus corroborative evidence supplied in DA (and the mention of Avalon on the ‘Leaden’ cross) which forms Carley’s opinion. 

To state that Melkin had made it clear that Joseph’s place of burial is unknown is quite a stupid statement by a supposed expert . The very objective of the Melkin prophecy is to point out the location of an Island by encrypted geometrical data i.e length and angle of a line at a point of bifurcation.

The reader will understand in the following extracts that Prof. Carley has virtually no fixed opinion on Melkin. This is why it is so crucial that he should not be accounted an expert on the subject nor his opinions on Melkin should carry any weight. 

Leland says that Melkin was anciently known as one of the most famous and erudite of British writers and his later obscurity was a result of the Saxon invasions. However, Leland mentions Melkin’s belief that Joseph of Arimathea was buried at Glastonbury. Melkin does not mention Glastonbury and nor has he gone to the trouble of creating a cipher which obviously indicates an island in Devon…. if he believed Joseph was buried at Glastonbury. This is Henry Blois’ propaganda which has trans-located the relics of Joseph to Glastonbury.

Both Carley and Leland are duped by Henry Blois’ transformation and conflation between Avalon and Glastonbury. Leland himself does not believe Joseph is buried at Glastonbury but more accurately should have said that Melkin believes Joseph is buried in Avalon…. although Melkin did not.  Melkin knew as fact that Joseph was buried on Ineswitrin and if Kim Yale is correct about the breakdown of the word ‘supra ad ictis’ he may well have known the island was once called Ictis.

Carley goes on to say about the prophecy: ‘its general sense however is clear; Avalon has always been known as the burial place of pagans. Buried there is Abbadare powerful in saphat, who sleeps there with 104,000, among whom was Joseph from across the sea who lies ‘in linea bifurcata’ against the South corner of the wattle church built by the 13 inhabitants of the place. Joseph has with him in his coffin two silver cruets filled with the blood and sweat of the Prophet Jesus’.

Carley informs us that Melkin is telling us that the wattle church was built by the 13 inhabitants of the place. He then goes on to say that Melkin’s prophecy defies exact translation and any interpretation of it abounds with difficulty of every kind. ‘Whatever the origin of Melkin, it is clear that Glastonbury accepted the prophecy with gratitude though she never pretended to have understood it.’

It is clear that Carley does not know the origin of Melkin’s Prophecy. Carley admits: The language of the prophecy, which was probably put together in its present form in the 13th century, is singularly obscure and defies precise translation.

It is startling to me, with these pronouncements, that our present authority is so ready to discount Melkin. Carley goes as far as saying regarding Melkin’s inclusion into John of Glastonbury’s Cronica:

‘as a historical personage mentioned in the gospels and venerated as the local Saint and patron, Joseph of Arimathea could well be expected to have left his remains at Glastonbury; these would be relics worthy of the greatest veneration. Interestingly though, Melkin’s prophecy is very vague on the issue’. The text states that he is buried at Glastonbury: Et iacet in linea bifurcata iuxta meridianum angulum oratorii, cratibus praeparatis. But what this actually means has caused considerable confusion (and certainly exercised the ingenuity of modern commentators).’

Melkin’s prophecy is anything but vague. Carley’s eyes deceive him, for nowhere does the text state that Joseph is buried at Glastonbury. (It is Henry’s propaganda which makes the conversion). Lagorio also has the same problem. The text does however locate an island, but it is not at Glastonbury and nor is Joseph of Arimathea’s tomb.

Carley’s opinion is formed by John of Glastonbury’s Cronica when he interprets part of Melkin’s prophecy, he states that: ‘Joseph sepultus est et positus in linea bifurcara iuxta oratorium predictum’. ‘Joseph is buried, and positioned in a line that bifurcates where the oratory was’. This is obviously what monks at Glastonbury had interpreted now that they believed Avalon was Glastonbury (since the discovery of the leaden cross) and hence the bronze pillar perpetuating this belief that the line had relevance to the ‘old church’ now burnt.

Carley knows JG is referring to Glastonbury but does not understand Melkin does not refer to Avalon but to Ineswitrin. This in itself would be an odd assertion if John of Glastonbury is referring to Glastonbury old church, especially if (as some have posited), he invented the prophecy himself. Where do the numbers 104 and 13 fit in?  Why include the elusive sperula?

John can hardly be the person who provides us with genuine instructions which locates an island in Devon 104 nautical miles from a bifurcation point by way of a line which bifurcates the Michael line at 13 sperulatis. Without the 13 degree angle, even if one had knowledge of the St. Michael line, one would still need to know where the bifurcation point occurs (in the sphaerula of Avebury). The angle at which to extend the 104 mile line is vital to locating the island of Ineswitrin in Devon.

Logically, Carley would have us believe JG interprets his own concocted prophecy…. and conveniently leaves out all the irrelevant data which modern scholars choose to ignore also. The difficult conundrum with which modern scholars are therefore presented is…. why include spurious numerical values like 104 and 13 in the first place if the prophecy is an invention to bolster the presence of Joseph at Glastonbury and the numbers are not employed in relation to the position of the burnt Church?

The answer will not be found in Abu Adar al-Badr or Sultan Baibars or al Malik Adh Dhahir or the Syrian fortress of Safad. The geometry of Melkin is unequivocal and has nothing to do with Glastonbury. It marks an island in Devon, in England….not Syria. Carley’s theories make him look ludicrous.

Carley goes on to explain how a certain R. Willis arrived at Linea Bifurcate being interpreted and equated to a linen shirt through Linea=undergarment….  being divided by two flaps and Aelred Watkin thinking it a corruption of ligno bifurcato, the sense being that Joseph lies under a cross.

Carley is also baffled by the ‘bifurcated line’; again because of his focus at Glastonbury:

‘In none of these cases is there any indication that this line has actually been located or that the site has been excavated. Presumably the monks could find no burial site with which they could identify with Joseph. The prophecy, however, suggests both that this site exists and that finding it is an enterprise of occult meaning, which could be linked with the millennial vision’.423

423Carley. The chronicle of Glastonbury abbey. P lvii

It is gratifying (in this instance) that Carley concedes the site of Joseph’s burial might in reality exist based upon what the prophecy suggests. Until the prophecy is decoded and one understands whose relics are with Joseph in the tomb, the magnitude of the meaning is more than a ‘Millennial vision’.

To imply that the line has not actually been located is incorrect. More accurately, Carley has chosen to ignore Yale’s solution to the prophecy as this would involve some backtracking and embarrassment from his previous ‘scholarly’ postulations.

Let me state clearly that the line exists and that this line has actually been located …. the evidence for it has been available for more than 20 years.424  The ‘Michael line’, is an alignment running across southern England. It is a line of alignment which has existed since the Megalithic period. It is also known as the ‘Beltane line’ and was certainly aligned in Melkin’s era, same as it is today. This is why Melkin employs the line as a reference which can be drawn on a map!!!! 

What it is and why someone has adorned it with St Michael churches and similarly in Montacute and on Burgh Island does not concern us for the present. I will elucidate this point further on and by whom the St Michasel churches were built to prevent the burial site of Joseph slipping into obscurity.  What the St Michael churches on the ‘Beltane’ line and its subsequent product of the line created by the 104 nautical mile line which also has the two churches dedicated to St Michael  indicates, is that sometime in the past, someone might have been aware of the lines which Melkin refers to and thus built churches at relevant points so that the lines would not be lost to posterity.

The Michael line is the line that Melkin is showing us to bifurcate within the sperula at Avebury with a meridianum, at an angle of 13 degrees, and extend a line 104 nautical miles. The meridianum mentioned by Melkin indicates it is a line on a map.

Melkin is not vague about where the body is buried. The prophecy does not reference any part of the church at Glastonbury. From this we should be able to understand that someone i.e. Henry Blois, has put much etymological effort into the translocation of both HRB’s Avalon and the 601 charter’s Ineswitrin, to seem as if the location to which they pertain exist at the island of Glastonbury. This transformation was aided by Insula Pomorum becoming Arthur’s final resting place in VM. What we can determine is that Henry Blois’ efforts have paid off; for posterity has swallowed the illusion. The illusion was facilitated also by author B’s reference to Glastonbury as an island c.1000…. even if the Somerset levels were not flooded enough to isolate Glastonbury as an island in the 12th century.

Carley maintains that: ‘The facts of the story- that is, that Joseph’s relics were never located-seem incontestable, although it is difficult to understand why this is the case. Why would the later mediaeval community at Glastonbury not undertake some sort of exhumation, the finds of which could be associated with Joseph? Why did Melkin’s prophecy put the unearthing of Joseph’s grave squarely within an apocalyptic tradition? Surely it would have been more convenient to have physical relics on display to corroborate the so-called ancient writings and to stand as an ecclesiastical parallel to the Arthurian relics’.425

424The Sun and the Serpent. Paul Broadhurst, Hamish Miller. 1989

425James .P. Carley . A Grave Event.

Carley asks the most sensible question: Why did Melkin’s prophecy put the unearthing of Joseph’s grave squarely within an apocalyptic tradition? When Joseph’s grave is opened it will be apocalyptic, but Carley is too dim to realise that Melkin is pointing out where the tomb is. The unearthing will be nothing less than the eradication of the Roman Catholic lie about a body vanishing into heaven. Not even Henry Blois could unearth Joseph because to Henry the Melkin prophecy was not a fake and the body would be found one day. When that transpired Henry Blois would be known thereafter as a fraudster if he had fabricated Joseph’s grave also. 

No-one understood what constituted the duo fassula. We can see that Henry Blois, when he relayed the Grail stories at the court of Champagne to Marie and Alix in their original form;  Henry must have used the term sang real while listeners to Bleheris misheard the name, leading to Jongleurs like Chretien writing San Graal.

Henry Blois made the connection to the vessel (fassula) in the prophecy because of the mention of the blood itself. We can safely conclude, later troubadours who had heard Henry’s words must have heard reference to san Graal instead of Sang Real or Holy blood from an oral representation, because Henry Blois himself knew the prophecy to refer to  hold blood and sweat.

Henry understood the enigma of the duo fassula as a ‘vessel’  is clear in Robert de Boron’s references…. even though in the interim transition from oral to written word, it becomes a holy ‘Graal’ or san Graal, but still contains the blood as is inferred in the prophecy.

Henry understands it as a container and because of this, links it to any container known to be associated with Jesus i.e. either the cup of the last supper as Robert’s version indicates (or the Magdalene foot bowl).

Certainly, Helinand knows from whom the information came but does not mention Melkin and has an idea of what the Grail consists of: ‘At this time a certain marvellous vision was revealed by an angel to a certain hermit in Britain concerning St. Joseph the noble decurion who deposed from the cross the body of our Lord, as well as concerning the paten or dish in which our Lord supped with his disciples, whereof the history was written out by the said hermit and is called ‘Of The Graal’ (De Gradali).

Helinand was a minstrel who won the favour of King Philip Augustus c.1180 the same Philip who might have provided the book to Chrètien as he was the son of Adele of Champagne the daughter of Henry Blois brother Theobald. Helinand who is the first to connect a British Monk with the Grail and the history (rather Histoire) was written out by the British monk.

Evidence of a British monk trying to influence people on the continent implying the ‘Grail book’ is ancient, smacks of Henry’s propaganda because Henry Blois’ brother’s sons were married to Marie and Alix both known propagators of the Grail legend so it is hardly a stretch of the imagination that King Philip Augustus has a copy of the Grail book. Probability suggests that Henry Blois is the connection especially in that we know Henry commissioned many Tournai marble fonts and must have passed through this area. Froidmont is very close to Tournai. It seems fair that knowledge of the Graal may have been spoken of by a passing bishop of some renown who left a book written by an ancient British monk (which just so happens to get to Philip Augustus).

In any case, it would have been difficult to fake the finding the Grail at Glastonbury even if one could propose that a set of bones belonged to Joseph of Arimathea. Who is going to be brave enough to forge an object on which so much potential and mystery rests?  If someone was going to fake such a thing it would have been Henry Blois as he has no regard for twisting the truth. It was easier and more propitious to convince the world that Henry Blois’ chivalric alter-ego i.e. King Arthur, had at one time existed in reality by creating a grave with an old Gorilla skull426 and tibia bone and a lock of hair which pretended to be relics of Arthur and Guinevere.

426See image 2

It was probably Henry Blois who reiterated to Henry II where the body was located as well as making it seem as if William of Malmesbury had casually mentioned its position in DA. Giraldus relates a story of Henry II involvement. Henry Blois could have told the King while Henry Blois was on his deathbed. We know Henry had surreptitiously indicated the grave’s location between the piramides in DA.

We know that King Henry II visited the old and blind dying bishop the day before he died and the King was castigated by Henry Blois regarding the murder of Becket. There is also some possibility that the unearthing of King Arthur could have been instigated by Eleanor of Aquitaine who may also have been privy to certain information from the King or Henry Blois as she had just been released from prison on Henry II’s death.

At this time the court of Champagne presided over by Eleanor’s two daughters Marie and Alix and the French court would have been immersed in Arthuriana and Grail literature for twenty years since Henry Blois’ death. Marie and Alix were both married to Henry Blois’ nephews.

We might speculate that Eleanor had also heard all these stories while imprisoned. We should not forget that Eleanor was mother-in-law, to two of Henry Blois’ nephews and it is possible she may have been given books by Henry Blois or by her daughters while imprisoned. Do not forget that Henry Blois is a man who went out of his way to rewrite history and to spread and propagandise his fabrications on two continents using his connections.

The commonly accepted scenario is that Henry de Sully, abbot of Glastonbury fraudulently concocted the pantomime of Arthur’s disinterment when Richard I, Eleanor’s son had just inherited the throne.  Supposedly funds had dried up for the reconstruction of the abbey since Henry II’s death. This may have been coincidental and opportune…. but there is no way that Henry de Sully consummated Henry Blois’ Matter of Britain edifice by fabricating a cross and confirming the historicity of Henry’s fiction.

To carry out such a fraud, one would need to pass some censure or scrutiny of those at the dig. One might conclude the grave had lain dormant for some time. Adam’s witness of curtains surrounding the dig is a confusion with the dig at Montacute which Henry had turned into a ‘fairy tale’ now known as De Inventione and I shall get to that matter in the next chapter.

Henry’s aim and reason for laying bare the grave’s location in DA and also perhaps passing this information to the King was so that, like Joseph’s tomb, it would be found in the future. Henry had procured and moved enough relics in his time as bishop and abbot of Glastonbury, to be sure that after his death the grave site would be re-found…. 40 years after William had supposedly mentioned it casually in DA. Once this set of circumstances is understood, it allows an earlier date for the composition of Perlesvaus than that previously thought.

We are no longer bound by contrived chronologies which the scholastic community has deduced, such as…. there is no mention of Avalon in DA427 until after Arthur’s disinterment. It now becomes feasible in the time line to account Blihos Bliheris, or Master Blehis as the provider of the information for Chrétien…. which had hitherto been discounted due to the colophon in the Perlesvaus which refers to Arthur and Guinevere’s grave at Glastonbury/Avalon. Scholarship, adhering to the assumed a priori that DA did not have this information inserted into it until after the unearthing of Arthur’s grave, has seriously the rational of several theories about the date of Glastonbury’s transformation to Avalon.

427Chapter 31. I Passover Arthur, famous King of the Britons buried with his wife in the monks cemetery between the two pyramids.

The deduction of scholars is held erroneously, assuming DA was first published c.1134 and then determining no interpolations concerning Avalon were made until after Arthur’s bogus exhumation.  This in effect leaves a gap of sixty years. If we can accept the fact that Henry Blois interpolated DA, and he died 1171…. as well as accepting that he had pointed out the place of Arthur’s grave-site; it would mean that from the time Avalon became synonymous with Glastonbury (and became understood as such) until the disinterment in 1191, the gap would be 20-30 years since Arthur’s and Guinevere’s ‘relics’ were interred in the grave yard undisturbed (assuming the grave was manufactured post 1158). We should not forget that it is ‘Geoffrey’ who indicates Arthur’s association with Insula Pomorum c.1155-58 in the Vita Merlini

Rather than the commonly accepted principle upon which scholars reckon the unearthing took place, (funding for the abbey’s reconstruction), we should think of it differently. Arthur’s grave-site was known locally before the fire. We should not think of any reason for exhuming him as the Glastonbury graveyard and church was packed with saints anyway. One must not forget Henry’s propaganda concerning Arthur’s grave had only recently been manufactured and was part of the fledgling Lore of the previous generation. But, after the fire, as the new building arose, it was a consideration, as Gerald relates…. to have Arthur’s body put in the new Church on more sacred ground.

We therefore now have a gap of less than ten years from the Glastonbury fire and a good reason in terms of alms collections, for making Arthur a feature of the new Church. So, to assume Henry de Sully is the instigator of the fraud is unfounded. Especially as the fabricator of the cross must be Henry. In essence, the ‘Leaden cross’ confirms Henry’s Avalon found in HRB was now Glastonbury as his propaganda had proposed in DA.

We already have witnessed this is his intention by creating Insula Pomorum in VM. We could speculate that all Henry de Sully is doing is carrying out the time-honoured ploy of reaping an increase in alms for his church by increasing the prominence of Arthur within the proposed new building.

Henry Blois finally fulfilled the trans-location of a fictional island by concurring with ‘Geoffrey’s’ assertion where Arthur was last witnessed to be. Miraculously the grave is found and confirmed to be in Avalon.

Now, the reader is aware that Melkin’s Ineswitrin has been replaced in Melkin’s prophecy with the name of Henry Blois’ Avalon…. the disinterment of Arthur in effect has diluted somewhat the problems of disinterring Joseph with the enigmatic duo fassula as Joseph lies supposedly on a bifurcated line ‘undiscovered’ near the old church.  But, all are now convinced that since Arthur’s disinterment has proved Glastonbury to be Avalon by that which is stated on the leaden cross…. all may now accept that Joseph is buried there also, purely because of the substitution of Ineswitrin for Avalon on the Melkin prophecy. It is also confirmed by Henry’s propaganda which Robert de Boron relates concerning Joseph and the magical vessel, that it too is connected to the vaus d’Avaron in the west, (En la terre vers Occident, Ki est sauvage durement, En vaus d’Avaron) which could only be now construed as Glastonbury. 

Carley is as much in the dark as everyone else.428  He asks the right questions: Abbadare, potens in Saphat, paganorum nobilissimus, cum centum et quatuor milibus domiicionem ibi accepit: ‘This portion of the text has been almost universally ignored or, in the case of Capgrave and Usher versions, deleted. Why, for example is Abbadare buried with 104,000? Is this a mistake for the 144,000 of Revelations 7:4? And why is the pagan nature of the cemetery stressed? There is no doubt that Glastonbury was once a pagan shrine, but what does this reference mean in this context? Finally, just who is Abbadare and where is Saphat’.

 Quite simply, Abbadare is not buried with 104,000, he is buried 104 nautical miles from the sperula and he lies on a bifurcated line, the end of which coincidentally terminates on an island 104 miles from the said circle of Avebury. There are two Jews on the Island not pagans. Abbadare is Jesus and Saphat is not a place.

428Cicero. No one can speak well, unless he thoroughly understands his subject.

It is excruciating that Saphat has become a place as Carley proceeds to lead the next generation of medieval scholars astray. Carley pontificates further with a pretence of diligent authority: Concerning the context of these last two words, at least, I think I can provide some suggestions. The first important point is that Abbadare is specifically called a pagan. Secondly, the sound of his name clearly suggests an Arab source and this of course ties in with the pagan epithet. Thirdly, later in the prophecy there is a section with pagan and Arab (specifically Moslem) connotations: Jesus at 1.11 is called the ‘Prophet Jesus’. Moreover, this very unusual term to describe Jesus is used at one other point in John’s Cronica. In this passage John describes the adventures of one Rainald of Marksbury who traveling to the holy land, was captured by a certain sultan, and then was released after he obtained for the sultan some of the soil from Glastonbury cemetery. The sultan at one point asks Rainald; si haberet noticiam cuiusdam insule inter duos montes site ubi Ioseph ab Arimathia nobilis decurio quiescit qui prophetam Ihesu assumpserat de cruce.

According to John, these events occurred when Michael de Beckery was sacristan at Glastonbury Abbey, which was in the last quarter of the 13th century. That the ‘Prophet Jesus’ of the Melkin prophecy contains an echo of the Rainald adventure is in my opinion highly probable. Surely Melkin’s Abbadare is the garbled rendition of some pagan name which Rainald (or another crusader) brought back with him from the East. Moreover, the whole Rainald episode is concerned with the sanctity of the very soil of the cemetery, since the sultan released Rainald only after the latter had brought back some earth from this most sacred burial ground. The parallels with Melkin’s statements about the pagans buried at Glastonbury because of its sanctity suggest that there is a strong tradition linking the two episodes, that some eastern material has been absorbed into Glastonbury lore.429

429Carley. The Chronicle of Glastonbury abbey p. lviii

 Quite simply, Melkin did not make any statements about pagans buried at Glastonbury. Melkin’s Abbadare is not a garbled rendition of Rainald or has any connection to the Rainald episode. The ‘garbled rendition’ is rather the explanation and improbable supposition of Carley’s…. rather than the inaccuracy of Melkin’s instructions.

Carley seems to think that: Abbadare is a latinized form of some name like Abu Adar (used as a personal name) or perhaps a version of the relatively common name al-Badr. Another possibility is that it is a transliteration of the name of a Sultan Baibars (al Malik Adh Dhahir) who seized Safad from the Templars in 1266- the interpretation would assume that Baibars was the Sultan to whom Rainald refers.

 Again, Abbadare has nothing to do with ‘al Malik Adh Dhahir’ or Safad or ‘Abu Adar’…. or the blind leading the blind with a pretence of scholarship!!. The island is in England and the person in the tomb as far as the prophecy is concerned is Joseph of Arimathea….. quod erat demonstrandum

Now, even if you were to understand only that Joseph has ‘something’ with him in the grave, we might just take a cautious guess and come up with Jesus …. considering it is only in association with Jesus we know anything of Joseph.

Because Jesus is referred to as a prophet (which he was) why should Carley’s convoluted suggestion have any merit…. just because Jesus is referred to as a prophet.  Jesus refers to himself as a prophet in Mathew 13.57 and Mark 6.4 when some took offence at him: Then Jesus told them, ‘A prophet is honoured everywhere except in his own hometown and among his own family’…. In Mathew 21.11 do not the crowds say: ‘This is the prophet Jesus from Nazareth of Galiee.’

Safad, Baibars, ‘al Malik Adh Dhahir’, ‘Abu Adar’ is pure piffle dressed up as ‘learnèd’ deduction by Carley.  Carley goes on to say:

the Arab connections are a means of providing a very probable identity for the place rendered as Saphat. If the basis for this portion of the prophecy is material which Rainald brought back from the Holy Land, then Saphat is almost certainly a transcription of Safad, which was a major Templar fortification in the Kingdom of Acre.

And they have the audacity to call Francis Lot mad!!!!

John of Glastonbury (and every other sane person) thought the Melkin prophecy related to Joseph of Arimathea and Avalon in England.  For the likes of a dimwit like Carley to pronounce Melkin an invention whilst positing this sort of ‘horseshit’ does not commend scholarship.

Saphat is ‘judgement’ and the word refers to Jesus!!!! To think also that the prophecy is a composition of tradition, or even a composite work of more than one person as some scholars maintain…. we can dismiss as trite postulation.

It would be hellishly clever of different people, combining different material at different times, to hazard upon random figures which generates precision geometry through a line which bifurcates and terminates on an island (the subject of the prophecy) and this island turns out to be donated by a King of Devon to Glastonbury.

If the false premise that Melkin’s prophecy is an invention is maintained, it becomes easier to extrapolate nonsense regarding it. I quote the expertise of Carley at length here: 

In this section of the prophecy it seems clear, therefore, that we are dealing with a tradition which was originally separate from the material about Joseph of Arimathea and the Grail. Historically, both traditions must have been formulated in their present form at approximately the same time, that is, in the second half of the 13th century. The psychological reasons for the linking are also easy to understand; both stand as traditions with occult and eastern meanings, which could easily be associated with the general context of an ancient prosthetic tradition. The possible astrological hints are the last aspect of the prophecy which I wish to discuss. Bale and Pits (following him) seem to assume that Melkin is making some sort of astrological reference in his text. Bale, for example, describes Melkin as follows: astorum peritus ac geometer, non solum arcana somniorum et cometarum eventus discutere atque planetarum dispsitiones demonstrare solebat. The first possible suggestion of an astrological meaning comes in the confusing phrase sperulis prophecie vaticinatibus decorate. Spaerula as a diminutive of sphaera, does occur in the Vulgate Bible where it seems to mean a small ball or sphere. Other specialised mediaeval meaning of this word include knob, chape of a sheath, or incense receptacle. But none of these seems to fit here. The word, moreover, occurs again later in the prophecy: superadictis sperulatis locum habitantibus tredicim. Watkin suggests in an unpublished note that in these contexts it might refer to a whorl pattern of Celtic crosses in the cemetery at the old church of Glastonbury. Alternatively he considers that it might describe some kind of clothes or headgear that could produce the idea of a spiral. But these and almost any other alternative translations do not explain why the sperulae are prophesying, and why Avalon is the place with 13 sperulatis inhabitants.430

One wonders if Watkin also had a PhD431 to come up with the spiral or ‘headgear’ idea.  The piffle which has been written by those who pretend to better inform us is depressing in its pretension. The deciphering of Melkin’s cryptic prophecy has been seen and witnessed by Carley and summarily dismissed…. and we can see why: any other alternative translations do not explain why the sperulae are prophesying, and why Avalon is the place with 13 sperulatis inhabitants. Our expert Carley is a ‘distinguished research professor’ B.A. (Victoria); M.A. (Dalhousie); Ph.D. (Toronto). He expounds ‘horseshit’ on the subject of Melkin

430Carley. The Chronicle of Glastonbury abbey p.lix.

431Aelred Watkin achieved a Double First in History and was a Fellow of the Royal Historical Society.

So, let us defer once again to the authority on the subject of Melkin and Prof Carley’s supposedly expert analysis of the Melkin prophecy:

Sphaera is itself the word normally used to describe a heavenly body. In this context the diminutive spherula might well be used to describe a small representation of a planet or constellation. Certainly this interpretation would explain why the sperulae in this text could be endowed with a prophetic function. This suggestion would also help to explain why there were 13 ‘sphered’ habitantibus. The number quickly brings to mind astrological associations and the hypothesis that these 13 are the signs of the Zodiac with some planet, perhaps the sun at their centre seems very feasible’.

 Again, Feasible to whom? This is astounding piffle, but it continues unabated:

It is also important to note just what locus is being discussed in connection with the 13 sphered things. From my earlier discussion of Joseph’s burial site and from the mention of cratibus preparatis, I think it becomes clear that the reference is to the original wattle church which was destroyed by fire in 1184. This suggests that the prophecy contains at least one remnant of a much earlier tradition. Moreover, the reference to the wattle church recalls a very peculiar statement which William of Malmesbury made about the floor of the old church: Moreover in the pavement may be remarked on every side stones designedly interlaid in triangles and squares, and figured with lead, under which if I believe some sacred enigma to be contained, I do no injustice to religion.

There are no ‘13 sphered things’ and it is Henry Blois (as we shall see in the chapters on GR and DA) who attempts to find a connection between ‘wattle’ and the old church, which, we know was in wood when William of Malmesbury wrote DA. Now, why would the interpolator of GR3 and DA have us believe there is a connection to ‘wattle’ with the church? Do you think that it is because the prophecy is extant in the interpolator’s day and it is the same interpolator who would have us believe Glastonbury is synonymous with Avalon?

It beggars belief that Lagorio and Carley both focus on the ‘drought’ or lack of water either in Britain or at Glastonbury and do not understand the intended spiritual meaning behind the turn of events immediately following the future discovery of the tomb of Joseph and Jesus.  The same metaphoric language pervades biblical prophecy, which, to a certain extent, Melkin was mirroring.

After explaining that ros celi has something to do with the Rosicrucians, Carley then goes on to conclude:

 ‘at this time I am unable to formulate any kind of exposition of the meaning of the climatic promise of the prophecy, but I do contend that these esoteric parallels exist, that the key to the prophecy is astrological, and that it is somehow linked with the occult symbols which William saw on the old church floor’. Piffle again!! The key to the prophecy is geometrical.

So, let me state for the record, the prophecy has nothing to do with William of Malmesbury’s observations. The prophecy has no astrological or Eastern connection (except for Joseph and Jesus hailing from that side of the globe). The ‘Climatic promise’ however is a certainty. It is the purport of the Melkin prophecy.

The tomb has to be opened first and this is hardly likely to happen if so called experts like Carley deny the existence of Melkin and the set of instructions plainly evident in his prophecy.  The opening of the tomb on Burgh Island will bring about the ‘Climatic promise’; but don’t expect rain!!! Religion is the new ‘race’ and we are defined by it. Contemplate the discovery of a body which a third of the globe previously thought had disappeared to heaven and then ask why the pope killed the Templars in one day.

In the Downside Review, Carley pretends to elucidate further, but exposes that he has little understanding of the prophecy. He expounds in an exposé called Melkin the Bard and esoteric tradition at Glastonbury Abbey from which we can observe his rather uncertain standpoint as to whether Melkin existed. We can also witness his views as to ‘precisely what sources and traditions stand behind the few extant lines supposedly written by this vates and Bard’….

Carley proposes that: ‘Glastonbury Abbey, it transpired, had its own Welsh bard, whose greatness rivalled Merlin’s and who pre-dated Merlin by a number of years’. The idiocy of this statement is apparent in that Henry Blois’ or rather ‘Geoffrey’s’ Merlin was partly based on Melkin or a Welsh Myrrdin. Geoffrey’s Merlin and his prophecies are a construct of Henry Blois and may have been inspired by coming across the works of Melkin at Glastonbury. 

How can a fictitious character make up fictitious prophecies mostly based around the Anarchy and following a numerical leonine line from Henry’s grandfather in a book full of fabrications  known to be a pseudo-history….  be called into relation with a historical person who has encrypted geometry into what looks like a prophecy; a prophecy which points out to posterity where Joseph of Arimathea’s relics are deposited. Does Carley think Merlin the prophet actually lived if he refers to a time in which Melkin might have pre-dated him?

Carley then goes on to say: ‘no modern scholar, it seems to me, can seriously maintain that this discovery was altogether legitimate, that there really was an ancient bard called Melkin in whose writings were stored at Glastonbury’. It is here that the mud has to stick. No serious scholar could maintain otherwise. There was an ancient bard. It is not as mad as some of the previous statements to posit that Melkin may well have been the donator of Ineswitrin to Glastonbury by the 601 charter… as the Devonian King. It seems our expert would rather give Merlin more credence than Melkin whose geometry is irrefutable!!!!

Referring to John of Glastonbury’s Cronica, Carley makes the observation that: ‘John does not claim to have rediscovered Melkin; in fact, he seems to assume that his readers will have knowledge of this figure and that they can consult the older text from which he is ostensibly quoting’.

Henry’s version of DA was followed by Adam of Damerham’s Historia de Rebus gestis Glastoniensibus. John’s Cronica followed Adam’s to recount and consolidate the propaganda started by Henry in DA. William’s DA was impregnated and interpolated before Henry’ Blois’ death, even though Melkin is not mentioned in it. Let us also remember that Glastonbury is not mentioned in HRB and is the oldest church in England.  Carley is right in that Henry Blois did write other corroborating material from which JG is consolidating. Otherwise we could not have Arviragus from HRB attached to Glastonbury lore. I will deal with Arviragus under the chapter on DA.

If a reader believed the content of HRB…. is he to assume Glastonbury did not exist?  To excuse this omission, positing Glastonbury was known as Avalon is ludicrous…. because Avalon did not exist before Henry.  If Melkin and the prophecy were mentioned in DA most contemporaries would have connected Robert de Boron and Chrétien’s work to Henry Blois considering Arthur was going to be unearthed at some stage (in Avalon) and the vaus d’Avaron becomes the place where Joseph is supposedly buried also.

At Henry’s death, Avalon was at Glastonbury according to his own already published propaganda; the holy blood which is mentioned in Melkin’s prophecy was the sang réal, Joseph was connected to Avalon etc. etc.

If Henry’s aim was to secret his authorship (which he has certainly done for over a thousand years), the inclusion of the Melkin prophecy in a book dedicated to him by William of Malmesbury would lay bare the rest of his fraud. In Henry’s lifetime, two separate continental authors concur that Joseph did bring something to England and the only tract which associates Joseph directly with Glastonbury and the Grail is Perlesvaus…. yet Robert associates Avalon with Joseph and the Grail…. and Chretien associated Arthur with the Grail.

Since Henry is the instigator of the Grail stories, the inspiration for which was derived from the works of Melkin at Glastonbury, it is hardly likely (since William does not mention Melkin elsewhere) that Henry is likely to implicate himself in the interpolative fraud by introducing into DA the material which inspired his mythical Island into HRB or the duo fassula upon which the Grail was based; because his name is associated with that book as dedicatee. I would stress that DA and its interpolated updates may not have been in the public domain until Henry’s manuscripts were given to Glastonbury after his death. How much of the propaganda concerning Joseph and his connection to Glastonbury found in the interpolated DA was understood by the outside world is an unknown in terms of proliferation. 

John of Glastonbury’s attitude toward Melkin (as Carley correctly points out), negates the proposition that John is the forger of the prophecy. Adam of Damerham does not mention Melkin. Why Should he? If Carley cannot make head nor tail of Melkin’s prophecy why would Adam be any the wiser. He ignores it too!!! Adam merely picks up in his journal where DA finishes.

Henry either got rid of any works of Melkin, so the source of his edifice would never be discovered…. or possibly Melkin’s works were destroyed in the fire.432 Luckily a copy of the prophecy survived, but we know by the island’s change of name…. the prophecy has been doctored by Henry. So, one must conclude that some of the works ascribed to Melkin (especially De Arthurii mensa rotunda,) have a Henry Blois provenance. This is where JG is getting his extraneous connections not incorporated in DA.

432Adam of Damerham relates that many books were destroyed by the fire.

In consideration of all we have covered so far, it would be ignorant to assume this next interpolation found in DA was written by any other than Henry Blois. Otherwise Adam and John would never have believed they were at Avalon and the VM’s Insula Pomorum would have no relevance to Glastonbury:

This island was at first called Yniswitrin by the Britons but at length was named by the English, who had brought the land under their yoke, Glastinbiry, either a translation into their language of its previous name, or after Glasteing of whom we spoke above. It is also frequently called the isle of Avalon, a name of which this is the origin. It was mentioned above that Glasteing found his sow under an apple tree near the church. Because he discovered on his arrival that apples were very rare in that region he named the island Avallonie in his own language, that is ‘Apple island’, for avalla in British is the same as poma in Latin. Or it was named after a certain Avalloc who is said to have lived there with his daughters because of the solitude of the spot.433

433John Scott. DA. Ch. 5

Modern scholars have, for the most part, dismissed John’s quotation of Melkin’s prophecy as a forgery, and the general assumption has been that John of Glastonbury was responsible for the fraud.

Carley goes on to say: ‘An examination of later medieval and renaissance citations of Melkin, however, suggests that this dismissal of Melkin represents a very modern attitude’. Carley and Lagorio’s dismissal of Melkin, being the main proponents…. are the ‘modern attitude’. However, their views are based on redundant misconceptions.

 Modern scholarship has effectively delivered a character assassination upon Melkin, purely because they have no understanding of the prophecy. Yet, ‘up to the mid- eighteenth century, every major compilation of British writers included a section on Melkin and his work’.

Without Melkin and Henry Blois, there would be a pitiful legend at Glastonbury. Carley confirms that he has no understanding of the prophecy he is purporting to elucidate upon: ‘Since it is written as a prophecy, it is not surprising that the meaning is somewhat obscure; what is confusing is just how garbled the actual syntax is, and how altogether incomprehensible the allusions are’. Carley would be less bemused if he understood that the island which is referred to in the charter referenced at the beginning of William of Malmesbury’s unadulterated DA against all probability is also pointed to geometrically as the island of the Melkin prophecy.  He is just too dim to recognise this fact.

Carley then states: Once again, the hypothesis that it is a late forgery, consciously written as such, does not by any means seem as obvious as scholars have suggested’.

For all Carley’s dubious hypotheses; The prophecy of Melkin is not a forgery but is a document encrypted to lead posterity to the Grave of Joseph of Arimathea on Burgh island. Carley tells us he will analyse both the text and allusions to Melkin by saying:

‘what I hope to establish is both the considerable antiquity of portions of the prophecy and that the existing fragment is only one item in a larger corpus of works ascribed to Melkin’.

The Prophecy as a whole (not portions of it) is from antiquity. The only part definitively more recently forged is the subject location Insula Avallonis which was substituted for ‘Ines Witrin’. In fact, the events the prophecy refers to transpired c.35AD.  If Joseph was Jesus’ father (or uncle)…. Jesus was buried after the crucifixion on Joseph’s ‘tin island’ and was later interred there himself along-side Jesus. The nearest we can get to the antiquity of the prophecy is in connection to the charter which is dated to 601AD which refers to the same Island.

Carley then goes on to give his interpretation of the prophecy in translation:

In the translation which follows however, I have tried to remain as safe as possible to the text itself since my purpose is one of elucidating meaning rather than enhancing poetic value: The Isle of Avalon, greedy in the burial of Pagans, above others in the world, decorated at the burial place of all of them with vaticinatory little spheres of prophecy, and in future it will be adorned with those who praise the most high. Abbadare, powerful in Saphat, most noble of pagans, took his sleep there with 104,000. Amongst them Joseph de Marmore, named ‘of Arimathea’, took everlasting sleep. And he lies on a forked line close to the southern corner of the chapel with prepared wattle above the powerful venerable maiden, the 13 aforesaid sphered things occupying the place. For Joseph has with him in the tomb to white and silver vessels filled with the blood and sweat of the prophet Jesus. When his tomb is found, it will be seen whole and undefiled in the future, and will be open to all the earth. From then on, neither water nor heavenly dew will be able to be lacking with those who inhabit the most noble island. For a long time before the day of judgement in Josaphat will these things the open and declare to the living. Thus far Melkin.

After much uncertainty on most issues in the prophecy, Carley excuses his untenable rationalisations with the following conclusions:

‘There is a disease which attacks most scholars who deal with the history of Glastonbury Abbey, a kind of galloping gullibility. This essay is not, I hope a manifestation of early symptoms of this malady’. Carley’s are less like early symptoms of a malady but rather a mortal sickness.

Carley then goes on to make his position less clear than positions explained previously:

’I am not suggesting that the Grail has links with the Templars and Glastonbury (through Safad and the Red Cross Knight), nor that this symbol is the key for resolving the secrets of the universe, nor that this esoterica Abbadare came from the East to be buried at Glastonbury, nor even that this esoteric alchemical exercise has any intrinsic metaphysical meaning. What I do suggest however is that Melkin’s prophecy is an example of a highly esoteric text laced with occult information, and that it contains hints of a consciously coded secret which by the time of John of Glastonbury had become altogether garbled. Equally important, this paper suggests that the prophecy quoted by John is only one item in a large corpus of works attributed to Melkin, although it is difficult to determine either the number (from 1 to 3 according to various accounts) or the exact age of the material. I think that what Leland has to say about Melkin and his works must be taken as somewhat accurate’.

One wonders why, if the prophecy is ‘esoteric text laced with occult information’, and that it contains hints of a consciously coded secret, the solution to the code is still ignored by Carley. Carley himself admits he is at a loss to what it all means.

This is the state of modern medieval scholarship where one is bent on preserving reputation rather than uncovering the truth.  Until scholarship catches up with Henry’s clever façade involving the authorship of HRB and medievalists realise the two people first known to propagate both Arthurian, Josephian and Grail related material i.e. Robert de Boron and Chrétien de Troyes (both also supposedly come from the Blois region and speak of things directly related to Glastonburyana), there will be no discovery on Burgh Island.

The final summation of Carley states: When scholars determined that Joseph of Arimathea was almost certainly created as the Glastonbury Saint through the transmutation of the French Grail legends, then it seemed equally clear that Melkin’s prophecy was forgery. This condition must in general terms still be accepted, since the prophecy in the form it now stands certainly cannot predate the 13th century. But what my study shows is that the prophecy is at least as complex as the earlier excavation (Arthur’s), that it cannot be dismissed as the fabrication of a single author with a clear purpose of deception. It must, in fact, date from several periods and include material from a number of traditions. Melkin, too is no doubt a fabricated rather than historic personality, but this creation seems to involve complicated transmutations of older documents rather than conscious forgery.

If Melkin is not a historic personality, who is it that has devised the riddle which so accurately locates an island in Devon 104 miles from the sphaerula at Avebury. How is it that an Island even exists on the opposite end of the same 104 mile line which just happened to bifurcate the only known line on the landscape at 13 degrees within the circle or Sphaerula indicated in the prophecy? If a professor admits that the Melkin prophecy has a ‘consciously coded secret’ why would he resist the secret unveiled in the geometry revealed. Quite simply because everything he has written on the subject of Melkin and the propositions he has put forward concerning the ‘Matter of Britain’ will be exposed for what they are ….’horseshit’

There is an extraordinary coincidence, that the line falls (at its extension of 104 miles) on an Island in Devon….(donated by the King of Devon as Malesbury attests) especially when our expert has advised us that the Prophecy must, in fact, date from several periods and include material from a number of traditions.  That random material translates onto a map which indicates an Island truly is a ‘fortuitous convergence of factors’!!!!!

That someone in the past has decoded such a set of geometrical instructions that identify an island from a set of obtuse words that date from several periods and include material from a number of traditions is in itself amazing even though it is a ‘consciously coded secret’. Especially, now the people who would concur that these were geometrical instructions i.e. the Templars, have built a whole set of aligned St Michael churches on all the spots demarcating the lines so that posterity did not lose this information again.

  If one follows the supposition that French Grail Literature is the cause of Joseph lore at Glastonbury, one will never understand how Henry Blois built his literary edifice known as the Matter of Britain. There are so many contradictory opinions in Carley’s output, it would have been more helpful to remain silent than pontificate with a pretence to authority.434

434Carley. The Chronicle of Glastonbury abbey P. l, li. The Grail itself might be heterodox and not an actual relic but the events describing it (and especially the Arthurian connection) could all be interpreted as historical fact. Given both the existence of this French material and the lacuna in Glastonbury tradition, it became practically inevitable that Joseph’s name would be assimilated. In fact, from Glastonbury’s perspective, the French tradition would have appeared almost inspired; it provided the missing clue to Glastonbury history.

Now, I wonder whose ‘inspiration’ might have influenced the French tradition. Could it be Master Blehis or even Blihos-Bliheris.  Is there a clue anywhere?  To posit that the Arthurian connection could in any way be connected to Joseph (as possible historical fact) is silly…. and an anachronism too far. Just imagine the inevitability of it all; the fortuitous convergence of factors which assimilates Joseph at Glastonbury!!!

William of Worcester who measured and described the abbey church c.1478 at Glastonbury has understood that ‘in linea bifurcata’ is meant as part of a geometrical and measurable instruction: Et ex opposite secunde fenestre ex parte meridionali sunt in cimeterio duo cruces lapidee concuate vbi ossa Arthuri regis recondebant vbi in linea bifurcate iacet Josephus ab Arimathea….‘and opposite the second window (of the lady chapel) on the south side there are in the cemetery two stone crosses hallowed, where the bones of King Arthur were buried, where ‘in line bifurcata’ lies Joseph of Arimathea’.

The ‘bifurcated line’ presented problems and early propaganda at Glastonbury trying to find parallel meaning in the confines of the abbey, concentrated on the construction of the Old church to affect a compliant match to the Melkin prophecy. This can also be witnessed by the Perlesvaus version that emanated from Henry Blois where the ‘Old Church’ is made to coincide with the Grail chapel also with lead roof.  These versions have the Grail chapel covered with lead as it was in Henry’s day.

In the Perlesvaus there is a: chapel nouvelemant faite, qui mout estoit bele e riche; si estoit covert de plon… It would not make sense to maintain that the Perlesvaus is composed by a continental scribe, long after Henry’s death with the occurrence of the 1184 fire at Glastonbury which burnt the church covered in lead.

Are we supposed to believe the author of Perlesvaus is linking his story to Glastonbury by a church which has burnt down? This is where Carley’s and Lagorio’s thesis breaks down. If the Grail legends are composed after Arthur’s disinterment c.1189-91 why are  the composers writing about a burnt down Grail chapel.

To any rational person the composer of Perlesvaus is referring to a chapel ‘covered in lead’ still standing. Big question is how do Grail stories from the continent written after the disinterment supposedly lead to Glastonbury lore about a chapel still standing (burnt in 1184) which is evident in Perlesvaus, especially when Arthur and Guinevere are still buried in Avalon as is evident from the colophon in Perlesvaus.

We know the author is fully acquainted with Avalon and Joseph. We know that the author of Perlesvaus is acquainted with the fact that Guinevere and Arthur are buried in Avalon…. and we know the story emanates from Master Blehis and a certain Blihos Bleheris ‘who knew the whole story’.  Let us take an intuitive guess who the author was and why he was referencing a still existing old church (before the fire) and knows of Arthur’s burial location before the disinterment in 1191.

By reversing the mistaken assumptions of scholars which dictate that all things Arthurian in DA post-date the discovery of Arthur’s grave, we now can realise Henry was the interpolator of DA who indicated Arthur was buried in the ground at Glastonbury. Therefore, mention of Guinevere and Arthur in the tomb together, (made plain in the colophon of Perlesvaus), no longer determines (as scholars have previously thought) that the Perlesvaus must have been written after Arthur’s disinterment; because Henry (the writer of the colophon) knew what he had placed in the manufactured gravesite. What this allows then is that Master Blehis is now contemporary with Henry Blois just as Gerald makes plain in reference to ‘Bledhericus’ the ‘famosus ille fabulator’ and says he lived ‘a little before our time’.

This then allows the person attested to have propagated Grail legend who has a name like Monseigneur Blois, Master Blehis, Maistre Blohis, Blihos Bliheris or Blaise to possibly be Henry Blois who just happens to be the uncle of three known Grail legend propagators.  Giraldus Cambrensis’ Latinised version of the name ‘Bledhericus’ is the ‘famosus ille fabulator’ who had lived “shortly before our time” i.e. in the period 1160-1170; not to mention the Bliocadran!!! Why is Henry Blois dismissed as the author of the Matter of Britain. It starts with HRB incorporates Glastonbury lore and ends with his Nephews and their wives. Any Medievalist scholar would expend more effort denying the glaring connections than just accepting the coincidences as a truth. 

We have come across ‘Hericus’ before but not with the ‘BL’ prefix like all the others from whom Grail legend emanates. We know that Henry is the Hedgehog in the Merlin Prophecies with the pun on ‘Hericus’ instead of Henricus and we know he rebuilt the city of Winchester.

Of Winchester: all will fall down

And the earth will swallow you up

The pastoral see there will be razed.

As we have noted before, The Hedgehog is Henry’s own reference to himself:

A hedgehog which will be loaded with apples will rebuild her.

In the Melkin prophecy, the bifurcated line was important. Somehow, if the prophecy was to be relevant to Glastonbury, the featured ‘line’ in the prophecy should be presented as being directional in relation to the positioning of the ‘old church’ or oratori which Henry Blois had linked to Joseph in DA. This was the only object by which the ‘bifurcated line’ could seem relevant…. as even the later Glastonbury acolytes (unlike modern scholars) understood ‘the line’ as being instructional and directional toward the place where Joseph was buried in their propaganda.

The logic was that Joseph, having founded the church (through Henry’s propaganda), must have been buried in it before it was burnt.  The simplest solution was to concoct a sense of directional relevance from the oratori and the problem was overcome.

We can conclude therefore, unlike the allusions to wattle in the prophecy, which substantiated that the church was the same intended place as that to which the prophecy referred….the bifurcated line would have been more difficult to incorporate as part of Glastonbury lore until long after the fire since the church was no longer visible and hence the manufacture of bronze plaque

Henry makes it appear that the allusion to wattle was written by Malmesbury in both GR3 and DA. At this time, there is no mention of the ‘bifurcated line’ in Henry’s propaganda. Not even Henry could simulate any relevance to the church with a bifurcated line along with two random numbers. This was left to a later generation of monk-craft (after the fire) who implied the bifurcated line had relevance to the burnt down church. They, however, chose to leave out the numerical information from the Melkin prophecy because they, like Carley, had no idea to what the numbers referred.

Thereafter, the implication was that the bifurcated line had relevance to the church and pretended to point to its location. This cannot logically stand the test of scrutiny as the reader is now cognisant that the prophecy predated the fire (as Henry’s muses had used it as a template). So, why the bifurcated line would be referencing the church or any point in it where Joseph might be buried makes no sense. Surely it would have been obvious before the fire if Joseph had ever been buried at Glastonbury.

The bronze plaque is later propaganda which does show the credibility and weight which was given to the prophecy in trying to mimic aspects of the Melkin prophecy’s geometric data. What it does show is that not even Henry could work out what the bifurcated line alluded to.

The bronze plaque which provides fictional relevance to Melkin’s prophecy.

The 31st year after the passion of the Lord twelve saints among whom Joseph of Arimathea was the first, came here. They built in this place that church, the first in the realm, which Christ in honour of his mother, and a place for their burial, presently dedicated. St David Archbishop of Menervia rested here. To whom the Lord when he was disposed to dedicate that church appeared in sleep and recalled him from his purpose, also in token that the same Lord had first dedicated that church with the cemetery: he pierced the bishops hand with his finger, and that pierced it appeared in the sight of many on the morrow. Afterwards indeed the same Bishop as the Lord revealed, and the number of saints in the same grew, added a chancel to the eastern part of this church and consecrated it in honour of the Blessed virgin. The altar whereof, of priceless sapphire, he marked the perpetual memory of these things. ‘and lest the site or size of the earliest church should come to be forgotten by reason of such additions, this pillar is erected on a line extended southward through the two Eastern Angles of the same church, and cutting off from it the chancel of the aforesaid. And its length was sixty feet westward from that line; its width twenty six feet; the distance of the centre of this pillar from the middle point between the said angles, forty eight feet’.

The writer of the late liturgical piece prefixed by Hearne to John of Glastonbury’s Cronica continues Glastonbury’s propaganda about the ‘bifurcated line’. Melkin’s original 104 miles becomes the rationalised 144 thousand saints. After relating information about the line from the pillar (with the bronze plate affixed) outside on the North through the point up to which the eastern end of the old church originally came, the writer states: ‘near this line, according to certain ancient writers lies St. Joseph with a great multitude of Saints’.

Father Good states: This cross, moreover, had been set up many years before to mark the length of the Chapel of the Blessed Virgin, made by Saint Joseph with wattle. The length was measured by a straight line from the centre of the cross to the side of the chancel afterwards built of hewn stone, under which also there was of old, in a subterranean crypt the Chapel of St Joseph. Outside, in the wall of this Chapel of the blessed virgin…

To the North of the Lady Chapel stood a column (Father Good relating that it was a Cross) upon which a bronze plate was attached.  It was close to the site where the pyramids used to be, the column foundations being uncovered in 1921. The function of the bronze plaque affixed to the column was propaganda but not Henry’s.  However, it confirms my point that the monks were complying with the Melkin prophecy not that they invented the document. The Monks are witnessed attempting to produce a satisfactory relevance for the bifurcated line and hence the ‘cutting off’ allusion which gives the appearance that it complies with some sort of understanding of the word ‘bifurcate’.  The bronze plate related the vision of St. David, so that positioning of the Chapel added by him, gave pertinence to Melkin’s bifurcated line:

‘and lest the site or size of the earliest church should come to be forgotten by reason of such additions, this pillar is erected on a line extended southward through the two Eastern Angles of the same church, and cutting off from it the chancel of the aforesaid. And its length was sixty feet westward from that line; its width twenty six feet; the distance of the centre of this pillar from the middle point between the said angles, forty eight feet’.

As we can see from the above there is a direct attempt to make the bifurcated line relevant. In logic, from the description above, the bifurcated line is only made relevant by its associations with the new additions. And therefore, if one were to believe the wholly concocted pretention of geometrical nonsense, one would have to believe the prophecy is a late invention.

However, even though the monks perfectly understood the bifurcated line had relevance to instructional data (which supposedly pointed out Joseph’s burial site); modern scholars, who insist the prophecy is fake, now determine the linea bifurcata relates to a linen cloth. One wonders therefore why they should bother seeking any explanation for what they think is a fraud and deny the medieval monks their interpretation of the bifurcated line as geometrically relevant.

The existence of the column still standing with the bronze plate in place can be traced back to the second quarter of the 17th century. It relates the story of the arrival of Joseph of Arimathea, the dedication of the original church by our Lord in person, and how the church was built to honour his Virgin mother all Henry’s creation in the first 34 chapters of DA.

The bronze plaque seems to have carried out its intended function as a propaganda instrument showing by measurement the location of the old church.  J. Blome on 10th June 1345, having obtained his royal permit, set out to search for Joseph’s tomb within the Glastonbury grounds. One of the reasons given for the search was ‘because it is said in certain ancient writings that the body was there buried’ a reference to Melkin’s Prophecy: in quibusdam Antiquis Scripturis dictur continere Corpus eius ibidem fuisse Sepultrum.

For all Carley’s pronouncements on Melkin the following is astounding:

Whether or not John actually fabricated the prophecy- to which there is no reference in GC for example- is not relevant here.435

435Carley. The chronicle of Glastonbury abbey. Xxvii.

Who wrote the prophecy is the most consequential fact of all Glastonbury lore. It is highly relevant to establishing its veracity. If John flourished supposedly c.1400 where he says he stops his history in the prologue or the earliest date for John’s Cronica could be 1375 (since it refers to John Chinnock as postea abbas); or even if we take the date when the Cronica actually finishes which is 1342…. how is it that J. Blome is searching the grounds in 1345 on information obviously supplied by Melkin’s prophecy…. when Carley is the main proponent in accusing John of fabricating the prophecy which Bloom says was ancient.

If we assume the Cronica was started in 1340 and finished in 1342 it is still astounding Blome gets a royal writ on the grounds of a prophecy so newly invented. How is it that Blome has a Royal writ to search; especially if Melkin or his prophecy were supposed to be newly fabricated? Are we to believe the royal writ was granted on grounds of evidence supplied in Grail literature?

As I have stated, this transpired before the reliable Leland, (not prone to exaggeration or invention), saw the original text (of Henry’s with the name Avalon) of the Melkin prophecy and described it as an Exemplarium Vetustatis.436 So, what Carley deems as not relevant becomes highly relevant in that; through Henry’s interpolations in DA in chapters one and two and the existing knowledge of Melkin’s prophecy, a search is carried out for Joseph’s remains before John ‘flourished’.

436It is worth noting here just how the scholastic world feeds from one generation to the next expanding on erroneous theories which in the end make little sense. It is plain Watkin has no more idea about the early provenance of Melkin’s prophecy than Carley: Leland saw the original text of this prophecy and described it as an exemplarium vetustatis and it is certainly couched in a style that is antique, obscure and ungrammatical. Its general sense, however, is clear:

Avalon has always been known as the burial place of pagans. Buried there is Abbadare powerful in saphat, who sleeps there with 104,000 among whom was Joseph from across the sea who lies in Linea bifurcate against the south corner of the wattle church built by the thirteen inhabitants of the place. Joseph has with him in his coffin two silver cruets filled with the blood and sweat of the prophet Jesus.

The whole of this is couched in terms which defy exact translation and any interpretation of it abounds with difficulty of every kind. Dr Margret Murray has made an ingenious plea for its Coptic origin; others hold that it stems from Arabian astro-mythology, which Armitage Robinson seems to imply that it was a fourteenth-century forger. Certainly, it could be of Oriental origin and ancient in date. It could be ancient but have been interpolated by the hand of a fourteenth-century discoverer- perhaps John Bloom who in 1345 secured permission to search for the body of St Joseph of Arimathea at Glastonbury. It is either of great or of almost no, significance…. P 90. Arthurian Literature XV edited by James P. Carley, Felicity Riddy.

I have to state that: The prophecy of Melkin is of great significance and does NOT ‘defy exact translation’ and it IS ancient in date. It would be equally helpful if our scholars in their ‘ingenious pleas’ had suggested Pinocchio wrote it.

Carley further states: Blome’s writ therefore, represents the first witness to an awareness of Melkin outside Glastonbury. I can only stress that Henry Blois’ search at Montacute was for Joseph of Arimathea’s tomb and the only reason he is conducting a search at Montacute (evidenced by the production of De Inventione) is because Melkin has connected Joseph’s burial place to Montacute.  Montacute sits on the line we are led to construct in the Melkin Prophecy. The 104-mile line measured in nautical miles is the solution of the Melkin prophecy once deciphered and when constructed on a map, it defines which Island the relics of Joseph are on i.e one end of the line terminates on Ineswitrin. In Henry Blois’ era and by conducting a search at Montacute for Joseph’s tomb there must have been some connection left by Melkin which associated Montacute and Joseph’s tomb other than the information provided in the Melkin prophecy itself which obviously produces a line running through Montacute.

Only Melkin could know the line passes through Montacute and thus we have the resultant of this search for Joseph at Montacute by Henry Blois which was unsuccessful because somewhere else in Melkin’s work that was discovered at Glastonbury was a pointer or tip to constructing the 104 -line; it was not the burial spot of Joseph’s tomb. After Henry had wasted time on a wild goose chase and no doubt much resources, he cut his losses by creating the fabricated De Inventione manuscript long before Bloom’s search. I will cover the Monacute search and the production of De Inventione shortly.

The royal writ is printed from the patent role in Rymer’s Foedera:

The King to all of whom these presents shall come, Greeting! John Blome of London has petitioned us that since (as he asserts) a divine injunction has been laid on him as concerning the venerable body of the noble decurion Joseph of Arimathea, which rests in Christ buried within the bounds of the monastery of Glastonbury, and is to be revealed in these days to the honour of God and the edification of many; to wit, that he should seek it diligently until he find it; because it is said to be contained in certain ancient writings that his body was there buried: We therefore, (if so it be) desiring to pay, devout honour to this sepulchre, and to the relics of him who performed such offices of religion and humanity to our Redeemer in His death, taking down His body from the cross and laying it in his own new sepulchre; and hoping for ourselves and all our realm a wealth of grace from the revelation aforesaid; have conceded and licence given, so far as rests with us, to the said John that he should have power to dig within the precinct of the said monastery and seek for those precious relics according to the injunction and the revelation made to him in the places where he shall see it to be most suitable: provided, however, that this can be done without hurt to our beloved leader in Christ the Abbot and convent of the said monastery and without destruction of their church and houses there; and that for this purpose he have the license and assent of the Abbot and convent themselves…..In testimony whereof and witness the King at Westminster on the 10th day of June. By the King himself.

Evidently, the search was instigated by the will of John Bloom himself  (rather than divine injunction) as no grave containing Joseph was found. As I have stated before; just as Henry never mentions Glastonbury in HRB, so he never mentions Melkin or his prophecy in DA. It is also relevant that Henry introduces a certain Maeldinus (Melchinus) in a bit role in VM for no certain purpose, which suggests to readers also…. that his name is associated with Insula Pomorum and therefore Avalon (now he has substituded Avalon for Ineswitrin).  We know Melkin lived c.600 AD and his works are attested by others. Leland visiting Glastonbury Abbey prior to the ‘Dissolution’ states: ‘while examining (the chests in the library) in addition to many other exemplars of remarkable antiquity, I found a fragment of Melkin’s Historia’.

Leland states that Melkin was anciently known as one of the most famous and erudite of British writers. Now if John Leland’s stated goal was ‘to make a search after England’s antiquities and peruse the libraries of all Cathedrals, Abbies, Priories, Colleges and all places wherein records, writings and secrets were reposed’; one would think he was qualified to comment on Melkin’s fame and erudition in Britain.

Leland as a guest of Abbot Whiting perused the library at Glastonbury. It is possible that Melkin wrote a Historiola de Rebus Britannicus.  Leland also states that Melkin flourished before Merlin, but misinterprets Melkin by implying it was Melkin’s belief that Joseph of Arimathea was buried at Glastonbury (through Avalon). Melkin obviously knows where Joseph is buried on the island of Ineswitrin…. otherwise his cleverly constituted instructions would be meaningless. So, contrary to what Leland asserts, Melkin does not imply Joseph is at Glastonbury or Avalon. Leland has deduced this because of the change of name on the prophecy.

John Leland in his Assertio Arturii cited Melkin from which he gives information from the extract he has seen stating that he ‘celebrated the name of Gawain’ and that he ‘praised Arthur’; information which is entirely independent of Melkin’s prophecy. It indicates surely that Melkin has an Arthurian or even Grail affiliation independently of what is normally considered the natural connection through the ‘duo fassula’ and Joseph.

Logically, the only person to promote chivalric Arthur is Henry Blois author of HRB and here is our most solid proof that Henry Blois is connected to Melkin437 and therefore Henry knew of Melkin’s prophecy. The book Leland is referring to is a concoction associating Melkin and Arthur and most probably composed by Henry. The fact that the chivalric Arthur is Henry Blois’ alter-ego and we know he has used the Melkin prophecy to inspire parts of his work which constitute the Grail legend…. (with all the other evidence put forward), it should convince the most ardent sceptic that the prophecy existed in Henry Blois’ era.

The references Leland cites are flimsy and must post date Henry’s invention of the chivalric Arthur.  It has been thought that Leland’s testimony might be derived from a time when his mental capacity was waning but the Assertio Arturii was written a decade before Leland’s death in 1552 according to Carley,438 (while Carley wrestles in rationalising erroneous positions taken by his mentor); so it would seem as if somehow Leland is seeing a reference to a book authored by Henry Blois under the name of Melkin.

437In Leland’s Assertio Arturii, we are told that Melkin named Glastonbury as Arthur’s burial place. We must assume then that Henry Blois who manufactured the grave site of Arthur is writing under Melkin’s name (Blome’s testimony bearing witness) and since we can conclude the round table (which turns up at Winchester) is a Blois manufactured artefact…. we may speculate his authorship of a work called De Regis Arthurii mensa rotunda is also a fabricated text which was burnt in the fire to which Leland has seen references.

438Justin.E. Griffin. Glastonbury and the Grail. P.242

Robert de Boron’s magical vessel is the same as Chrétien’s Grail; both stem from Henry’s knowledge of the prophecy of Melkin which connects Joseph of Arimathea to the Grail (duo fassula) and the Isle of Avalon. Melkin’s affiliation with the Grail stories can only transpire in two ways. Either Gawain, Arthur and the Grail (and therefore Joseph) are connected through a genuine undiscovered manuscript of Melkin’s as Bale and Pits seem to suggest regarding Arthur; or Leland is referencing a lost work composed by Henry Blois impersonating Melkin, which refers to what we know to be Henry Blois’ invention i.e. the chivalric Arthur.

The most likely answer is that Henry’s Grail literature is based on the Melkin prophecy and possibly other Melkin material now lost. The reason to posit genuine material from Melkin is; how else could the geometric key or pointer of ‘Montacute’ (in connection to the Joseph tomb) be known, except it were provided by Melkin, the composer of the encrypted geometrical data itself.

From where did the information concerning Montacute come from which just so happens to be 100% relevant, which is not mentioned in the prophecy itself yet is pertinent to it; once the 104 mile line is revealed in decryption of the prophecy and as Father Good bears testimony, associates Joseph’s tomb with Montacute.

The probable solution, where all the pieces fit together, is the scenario that Melkin witnessed the tomb of Joseph of Arimathea on an island known to him at that time as Ineswitrin. Or if he was the Devonian King donating the Island as revealed in the 601 charter, the information about the tomb was handed down to him through generations of a royal line, from the earliest time of arrival of Joseph with the coffin of Jesus at the Island of Ictis (known c.600 as Ineswitrin).

It is also pertinent to remember that the clue of Joseph being ‘carefully hidden’ in Montacute later exposed by father Good was extant in the time of Henry Blois was alive; otherwise we would not have the Holy Cross of Waltham concoction in the manuscript of De Inventione.

Therefore, it seems fair to posit, Henry used Melkin’s prophecy as an inspirational source for Joseph material in the formation of Grail stories which found two early outlets in Robert De Boron’s Joseph d’Arimathie and Perlesvaus. Henry then tied in Merlin from HRB…. also witnessed by Robert de Boron. Ultimately the round table which features in Robert’s work (which was made a reality at Winchester) was originally initiated by Henry posing as Wace as early as 1156-7.

John Bale, writing in 1548, says that Melkin was a geometer as we have touched on already and an astronomer specialising in Comets. Bale describes him: astorum peritus ac geometer, non solum arcana somniorum et cometarum eventus discutere atque planetarum dispositiones demonstrare solebat….. ‘Not only skillful in astronomy and a geometrician, but discusses the secrets of dreams, the events of comets and demonstrates the disposition of the planets’.

The solution to his prophecy testifies to Melkin’s skill as a geometer. It is common knowledge that one is able to navigate by the heavenly bodies with the aid of an instrument which measures between horizon and a heavenly body.  Distance over the earth’s surface can be determined between two places with the aid of careful calculation taken at each place.  The dismissal of Melkin’s measurement of 104 nautical miles and the geometric precision which he employs to indicate Burgh Island at its termination point at 13 degrees to a ‘Meridianum Anglum’ i.e. the St Michael line, must now be accepted, given the talents that are attested to him.

It must be remembered that the unit of nautical miles is used so that a unit of measurement correlates to a sixtieth of a degree; this same unit having been employed by the ancients and by Pytheas’ in 350 BC. This unit of measurement is the only one Pytheas could use to determine the latitude at Marseille. Melkin’s prowess as a geometer is borne out also, if we take into account information regarding Montacute as an accurate marker.439

439In Carley’s exposé on John’s Cronica he remarks: Why the monks thought Joseph might be buried at Montacute has never been established; but there is a strong parallel with Arthur’s exhumation and the story of the finding of a miraculous cross at Montacute. P. lvii.  If Carley would accept the solution to Melkin’s Prophecy (which he denies has any veracity) he might just answer his own question. Sadly, he knows nothing of celestial navigation or Melkin’s ability to define a line in nautical miles.

Carley believes Bale may have derived the astronomer and geometer attribute for Melkin from terminology in the prophecy. Carley does concede that: ‘it may indicate that he actually saw material credited to Melkin which has since disappeared’.  I think the latter is more likely as no comets were alluded to in the prophecy. Bale, cites another work by Melkin which he names as De Arthurii mensa rotunda, which one would assume Leland had seen to divulge about Gawain; although Leland does not mention this title. Is this a lost invention of Henry Blois’ as it is Henry who invents the ‘Round Table’ scenario firstly through Wace?

The ‘round table’ is also in Robert’s story of Joseph and then in Robert’s Merlin, where Merlin creates the ‘round table’ in imitation of the table of the Last Supper. This version probably has its roots with Henry.  The method of Dendrochronology by which the Winchester round table is dated slightly later c.1270 has no other comparative example on which to date it and so…. given a margin of error, and the expert opinions of those taking a stab in the dark; the present table at Winchester is more than likely to have been commissioned by Henry Blois even though most think it was designed in King Edward’s day.

If the round table turned up in Billericay I might have concluded differently. The man who invented the utopian ideal of the round table based on his witness of the baron’s behaviour at Stephen’s court and witnessed how they aspired to climb the pecking order in his uncle’s court (Henry I) was Henry Blois.

Henry therefore thought that much of the strife in the Anarchy took its impetus from the petty jealousies of competing courtiers and had meditated on the solution to prevent the negative force of bitterness and discontentment between the Barons. He therefore included the icon in his versified version of HRB impersonating Wace, while composing the Roman de Brut as I will cover later on in this investigation. So, we should be sceptical of the Dendrology experts’ date of fabrication. Who else would commission its build and have it delivered to Winchester? (If it was truly made in Cornwall)

We are told by Capgrave that Melkin lived just before the time of Merlin and King Arthur circa 550AD. Pits in his ‘De illustribus Britanniae scriptoribus’ circa 1620, describes Melkin as an ‘Avalonian’, and calls him a British bard, historian, and astronomer. He dates him with assurance to 560 AD, within the reign of Malgocunus (Maelgwn). These anecdotes are more probably rationalisations rather than facts but does put Melkin as a King of Devon in the right era to donate Insewitrin at 601AD as seen in the 601 charter related by William of Malmesbury. Leland however, calls Melkin’s prophecy a ‘fragment of history written by Melchinus an Avalonian’ which sounds as if Henry’s stamp is on this because Avalon is his creation.

Nowhere is Avalon heard of prior to ‘Geoffrey’s’ HRB.  John Pits cites three books written by Melkin: ‘De antiquitatibus Britannicis’, ‘De gestis Britannorum’ and ‘De Regis Arthurii mensa rotunda’. How could all of these references be fictitious?  It would seem to me that the last title was  not composed by Melkin but there was possibly other Melkin material at Glastonbury but if so why did Malmesbury not see it. Henry Blois may have embellished the other works in his usual fashion written under the name of Melkin. 

Henry Blois’ common authorship440 is also witnessed through a combination of written and oral transmission in the ‘Chapel ride’ scene from the Glastonbury Perlesvaus, Chrétien de Troyes and Robert de Boron, where incidental detail is found common to all three. Robert and Chrétien’s work is the means by which the Grail cycle developed, inspired by the duo fassula of Melkin and tied back in through Wace and Gaimar into the earlier HRB. But what is most fascinating is that Henry must have entertained not only Marie and Alix, the Count of Poitou, and Philip whilst incognito, posing as the elusive Master Blihis or produced a Manuscript which was read at court said to have emanated from the various names.i.e. Master Blehis, etc It is Henry or his employee who stands in the court incognito as a troubadour or reader of the manuscript composed by Henry and spreads his Arthurian legacy through affiliations to the Grail.

440Carley. The Chronicle of Glastonbury abbey p.lx.  It is an odd irony that Carley who waxes lyrical never connects the dots of common authorship between HRB’S Brutus and the Grail’s Joseph: Like a new Brutus, Joseph appealed to a deep seated national pride and has remained a part of the myth of English greatness.

Joseph of Arimathea, through Henry Blois’s interpolations in DA and through the name change of the Island on which he is said to be buried in the Melkin prophecy, became attached to Glastonbury lore. It is entirely logical that Ineswitrin was substituted for Avallonis on Melkin’s prophecy by Henry Blois, simply because there is no real geographical ‘Avallon’ except in Burgundy.

It is theorised by modern scholars that Avalon’s association with Glastonbury has only occurred since the discovery of Arthur in 1190-91.  This position is hardly tenable considering Insula Pomorum’s association with Glastonbury c.1156-7 in the VM. Through spurious lore planted in William of Malmesbury’s interpolated DA, which not only corroborates the innovation of Avalon in HRB and confirms Arthur’s association with Glastonbury as posited in Life of Gildas (c.1139-40); it also confirms that Joseph came to Glastonbury in DA, which in reality (if he did) makes no difference to our investigation.

We can establish all interpolation was carried out in DA after William of Malmesbury’s death and most interpolations were inserted before Henry’s death; and some are as early as 1144 and used as propaganda in the attempt to get Metropolitan status as i have already covered.. Some interpolations in DA were made after Henry’s death but we shall look at DA in detail in a later chapter.

The final summation or coalescing of Henry’s ‘agendas’ are witnessed in the interpolations which constitutes the first two chapters of DA. We can conclude that this particular material (for the most part) was written after Henry’s return from Clugny sometime after 1158; after VM had been written at Clugny. As the reader will remember, Henry was opining the 19 years of his brother’s reign in VM.

However, Joseph’s introduction and establishment into Glastonbury lore derives from interpolated passages which sets up a historical scenario (or plausible background) for Joseph of Arimathea’s sudden appearance in lore. Joseph’s only connection in reality with Glastonbury was that the prophecy of Melkin, in which Joseph’s name is mentioned, was found at Glastonbury probably at the same time the 601 AD grant of Ineswitrin to Glastonbury was discovered while Henry was abbot.

Joseph is introduced into DA as follows: While preaching in the region of the Franks, as narrated by Freculf, Philip chose and ordained twelve disciples, whom he put in charge of his beloved friend, Joseph of Arimathea, who buried the Lord. In the sixty-third year of the Incarnation, and the fifteenth of the Assumption of Mary, these missionaries arrived in Britain. They failed to convert the barbarous King, but obtained the concession of a swampy and forest-girt island, known to the natives as Iniswitrin.

What I should make clear is that the Prophecy of Melkin did exist in the time of Henry Blois and he not only used it as inspiration to create the mythical island where Arthur was taken in HRB, but also used the same notion as found in the original Melkin prophecy of a body being discovered in the future; which caused Arthur’s momentous disinterment after Henry’s death. This proposition becomes crystal clear when investigating the germs of Grail literature in progression.

The Melkin prophecy’s greatest contribution to the muses of Henry Blois was that the duo fassula in the prophecy was the template for the creation of the Grail and hence its attachment to Joseph. The decoding of the prophecy could easily be likened to what became known as the Quest for the Grail.

Henry Blois had free rein in the DA to substantiate his fictitious island of Avalon created in HRB and establish its synonymy with the island upon which Joseph was actually buried; the inspiration for which was taken from Melkin’s prophecy. This is how Henry Blois brings Arthur’s Island, Joseph’s burial island, and the new VM’s etymological Insula Pomorum…. all to be synonymous with Glastonbury.

To highlight how Henry adapts his work from a previous standpoint (agenda), we can witness that he is the one who attempts to bring his invention of Avalon (from HRB) into line with his later post 1158 agenda with the introduction of Joseph lore.  The previous or ‘First agenda’ in 1144, Henry had wished Ineswitrin to be understood as synonymous with Glastonbury so as to substantiate the 601 charter (which in effect established Glastonbury’s antiquity at the time) and thus the etymology which effects this conversion found in the Life of Gildas.

The intention of Henry is achieved in DA apropos to establishing Avalon by his secondary interpolations which became his ‘second agenda’ post 1158 and by his own later addition to a verse in VM which aligns Glastonbury with Insula Pomorum through Joseph. John of Glastonbury in his Cronica has an additional quote tacked onto the VM verse concerning Insula Pomorum. What is clear is that John of Glastonbury is quoting from an edition of VM which now makes Glastonbury into New Jerusalem by association with Joseph. It seems fairly obvious that this would have come from Henry’s hand originally as he is guilty of the conversion of Avalon at Glastonbury.441 It is Henry who originally puts Joseph at Glastonbury by concocting the first two chapters of DA (his last insertion into DA).

John of Glastonbury in chapter 2 of his Cronica repeats all Henry Blois’ propagandist bogus etymology found in either DA or Life of Gildas. He then goes on:

From these facts, then, it is clear why it is considered an island and why it is called both Avalon and Glastonbury. In praise of this Island a certain poet sang: (Verses).‘The island of Apples, which is called Fortunate, is truly named, for it brings forth all things of its own accord. It needs no farmers to till the fields and there is no cultivation save that which nature provides. It freely brings forth fertile stalks and grapes and apples born of precious seed in its forests. The earth nourishes all things as bounteous as tended land; one lives a hundred years or more’.442

441Arthurian Literature XV edited by James P. Carley, Felicity Riddy. We find that Watkin is on the trail to find out how it was that Avalon underwent a transformation: What then of Avalon? The author of the Vita Merlini stated that it was to the island of apples that Arthur was taken; in 1138 Geoffrey of Monmouth had already said that Arthur was taken to the Isle of Avalon to be healed (Incorrect. In EAW this is not stated in the 1138 Primary Historia). Thus it is clear that by 1150 (incorrect 1155-7) the isle of Avalon and the isle of apples are considered to be identical, and here again we are on the verge of the identification of Avalon with Glastonbury. Finally, the connexion is made yet again when both Gerald of Wales and the interpolator of Malmesbury derive Avallo or Avalloc……… It may seem odd that the mythical isle of the Vita Merlini can be identified with an actual place. P.82.

One would think that if Watkin was witnessing the ‘verge of identification of Avalon with Glastonbury’ in this period, Watkin would enquire who the abbot of Glastonbury was at that time and to whom was DA dedicated…. could he be the interpolator? Who was the patron of Gerald? How possibly, in Perlesvaus, is the chapel covered with lead etc. etc. The problem is endemic in Arthurian scholarship.  If one does not recognise the evolution of HRB from Primary Historia to First Variant to Vulgate and one insists that any interpolation in DA is subsequent to Arthur’s supposed disinterment…. it is impossible to understand Henry Blois as the author of the Matter of Britain; especially, when Perlesvaus’ early date is denied, simply because the colophon which mentions Avalon and King Arthur and his wife is assumed to be only rationally possible after the disinterment. This assumption that Avalon only became synonymous with Glastonbury after the bogus unearthing of Arthur is a huge erroneous deductive presumption by modern scholars where starting with a false premise incurs major contradictions neccesitating contortions in their theories.

 442 The Chronicle of Glastonbury Abbey. James. P. Carley.  p. 13

This is just as it is written in VM, but then John continues as if still quoting from the ‘poet’ (an obvious reference to ‘Geoffrey’s’ VM):

‘This was the new Jerusalem, the faith’s refinement, a holy hill, celebrated as the ladder of Heaven. He scarcely pays the penalty of hell who lies buried here’.

This later addition, one can be sure, was tied up with Henry’s ‘last agenda’ introducing the Joseph material into the first two chapters of DA and the proliferation of Grail literature. ‘New Jerusalem’ is not a concept relative to King Arthur. Henry is introducing the fact that Joseph is buried in Avalon and therefore we can understand the change of name on the Melkin prophecy from Ineswitrin to Avalon firstly to accommodate the future unearthing of Arthur and secondly so that we are led to believe Joseph is buried somewhere at Glastonbury also.

Henry Blois’ interpolation points out in DA that Arthur is buried at Glastonbury between the pyramids and buried with his wife …. long before the discovery of Arthur’s grave (as does Perlesvaus).  Obviously, John of Glastonbury did not concoct this addition himself, but is using as a source, a copy of VM which is no longer extant and to which Henry had subsequently altered/added a colophon when introducing Joseph lore into DA as part of his ‘second agenda’.

Henry Blois’ masterpiece of deception is in the transformation of his own invented ‘location-less’ Avalon in First Variant and Vulgate HRB, into what the modern world now believes is the ancient island of Avalon…. now situated at Glastonbury. There is only one man who could make all the foundation blocks of his literary edifice combine…. while disguising his hand under the name of William of Malmesbury, Geoffrey of Monmouth and Master Blehis amongst others.

William of Malmesbury may have only produced one copy of DA and presented it to Henry Blois for his approval as intonated in the prelude and dedication of DA. DA was dedicated and given to Henry Blois while Henry probably promised to make a copy for William of Malmesbury, but never did. It is possible also, (which I will cover in more detail later), that Henry obtained all of William of Malmesbury’s works after his death in 1143 from the abbey of Malmesbury as he had installed his own choice of abbot there.

Therefore, DA, in either case (whether at Malmesbury or in his own possession) was in Henry’s hands…. and he was free to reconstruct it as he wished: This island was at first called Yniswitrin by the Britons but at length was named by the English, who had brought the land under their yoke, Glastinbiry, either a translation into their language of its previous name, or after Glasteing of whom we spoke above. It is also frequently called the isle of Avalon, a name of which this is the origin. It was mentioned above that Glasteing found his sow under an apple tree near the church. Because he discovered on his arrival that apples were very rare in that region he named the island Avallonie in his own language, that is ‘Apple island’, for avalla in British is the same as poma in Latin. Or it was named after a certain Avalloc who is said to have lived there with his daughters because of the solitude of the spot.443

443John Scott, DA. Ch.5

Henry Blois wrote the life of Gildas. It is plain when we investigate Caradoc’s history in the section on Caradoc that he dies c.1129-30. What Henry Blois achieved writing Life of Gildas after Caradoc’s death under Caradoc’s name and impersonating him by using his name as a known Welsh chronicler, is Arthur’s introduction to Glastonbury.  Just as ‘Warlord’ Arthur was mentioned in other genuine saints’ lives such as the Vita Cadoci and the life of St Efflam.… the format of saints’ lives was mimicked by the construction of Life of Gildas.

Arthur appears in Vita Cadoci as uncontrolled and tyrannical and in other saints’ lives as rebellious.  But in Life of Gildas he becomes slightly more chivalric, akin to the Arthur of HRB. Arthur is brought into association with Glastonbury through the abduction episode, but the manuscript’s initial intent was to place Gildas at Glastonbury which in effect provides a date in antiquity with which the abbey might be associated and thus establish its antiquity. 

As I have maintained, Henry inserted the last sentence in Life of Gildas to fulfil a separate agenda which convinced others the 601 charter was genuine by locating the unknown whereabouts of Ineswitrin as being synonymous with Glastonbury. (How could the Island of Witrin be an ‘estate’ given to the old church on which Island it was situated?).

This controversy which began as a contention of Antiquity through Osbern’s accusation, became a contention regarding primacy after William of Malmesbury had died as Henry pursued his goal of metropolitan for the south west of England.  The final sentence in the Life of Gildas as we have covered, establishes synonymy between Glastonbury and Ineswitrin:

Glastonia was of old called Ynisgutrin, and is still called so by the British inhabitants. Ynis in the British language is insula in Latin, and gutrin (made of glass). But after the coming of the English and the expulsion of the Britons, that is, the Welsh, it received a fresh name, Glastigberi, according to the formation of the first name, that is English glass, Latin vitrum, and beria a city; then Glastinberia, that is, the City of Glass.

The 601 charter which refers to the Devonian Island in William’s GR3 and DA is anciently dated and therefore, because the charter can be produced and is ancient in its physical appearance…. it becomes the ultimate proof of antiquity.  From that time forward (in name alone) Yniswitrin is trans-located by Henry Blois to Glastonbury by ‘Caradoc’s’ etymological late addition as we have discussed.

It is only much later after the composition of VM that insula Avallonis and Insula Pomorum became synonymous with Glastonbury. Don’t forget VM was written at Clugny and just prior to henry’s second agenda which was Grail literature and secondary interpolations in DA. Henry’s various interpolations comprising the first 34 chapters of William’s DA also confirms Glastonbury as Avalon. From different sources, DA is employed to corroborate and interlock the various foundation blocks of Henry’s literary ‘edifice of illusion’ which focus’s Glastonbury as Avalon. Henry’s agendas evolve during his life and therefore it is made more difficult to see the relationships which make up the myth which constitutes Glastonbury lore.

In the past, it has been impossible to see the relationship between Ynis Witrin and Avalon without the understanding that Henry is the author of HRB and his involvement with the 601 charter. We then have to work out what relation Ineswitrin has to the Island where Joseph of Arimathea’s body is buried. This must be followed by uncovering the relationship between Glastonbury and the Avalon of HRB and then follow how Melkin’s Joseph of Arimathea is related to the chivalric Arthur from HRB in Grail literature.

Finally, when we establish how Grail literature brings together Joseph of Arimathea, Arthur and Avalon and the Grail itself (which has its origin in the prophecy of Melkin as the duo fassula)…. we find that through Henry’s continental family connections in Marie of Champagne, we arrive at the reason Chrétien references Master Blehis and Robert de Boron Blaise as the fount from which information on the Grail originates. The pieces of a puzzle must be placed in position and placed in relation to each other to build a picture according to the plan of Henry’s evolving agenda and therefore, we must, with much other evidence to follow, look to the architect, Henry Blois.

This is why the DA becomes so important in our investigation. We can also see Henry’s work (rather than later interpolators) if we understand his ‘agendas more’. Rather than accepting that the tracts covered so far are fraudulent, faux-historic or interpolated, (as modern scholars accept)…. we should be looking at the reasoning behind why this activity has taken place.

From this, we may determine when for instance Brut y Brenhinedd was written…. as the Avalloc mentioned above in DA is Henry’s work. This associates Avalloc and his daughters with Ynys Afallach and thereby; the sisters coincidental introduction on Insula Pomorum in the VM. Also, we see the progression where Henry is seen as the innovator of firstly a ‘Merlin Ambrosius’ in HRB to be linking the later Merlin Sylvestis to the Welsh Bardic tradition through Taliesin in VM.  Henry’s edifice is a web formed from his authorial prowess and his changing circumstance; designed from a devious mind which hid its identity from the public domain.

In later years, having stepped out of the role of the all-powerful knight bishop, occupied with affairs of state while brother to the King; Henry is reduced to self exile having had his castles re-appropriated.  So, at Clugny between 1155-58 employing his ingenuity and brilliance Henry Blois writes VM with the addition of the seditious prophecies and updates the HRB prophecies to include them also and then the John of Cornwall prophecies pointing out that he should be the next King, in the hope that Henry II is defeated by the Celts through the suggestion to rebellion.

When Henry Blois is instructed to return to England in 1158, he is much reduced and evolves over time to become the ‘Vernerated Bishop’. But, all the while until a year before his death, he is quietly unleashing the formation of a literary edifice which constitutes a gratifying yet erroneous rewrite of History which becomes what is now known as the Matter of Britain.

I have digressed here just to show in a brief way how it is that much of the corroborative evidences which substantiates disparate material is established or coalesced in DA….. and this shows how important DA was to Henry as a fundamental part of the evolving illusion he composed. The DA locks many pieces of Henry’s jigsaw into place.

 It is at a later point in Henry’s life (post 1158) when his intended insurrection against Henry II had not transpired (despite Henry Blois’ prophetical efforts), that he returned quietly to England, reduced in his power, and not in favour…. and under suspicion by the new King. It was under these circumstances that he started on his great authorial feat of Grail literature.

Henry introduced Grail literature into the public domain both on the continent and in Britain. The foundation blocks in terms of ideas for Henry’s muses is based on Melkin’s prophecy and we can see evidence of the existence of the prophecy while Henry was alive by his endeavours to find Ineswitrin which we shall get to shortly. So, it is Melkin’s prophecy which links the Grail to Joseph and Henry’s concocted Grail stories which link to his concoction of the Chivalric Arthur of HRB. This finally brings us back to the subject in hand which is Joseph and his burial site on the Island of Avalon as stated in the only version of Melkin’s Prophecy to reach posterity.

The only certain mention of the tomb of Joseph of Arimathea existed with the set of instructions we find in the Melkin prophecy at the start of the chapter. These instructions are attested to have been written by a man called Melkin. However, Montacute is posited as Joseph of Arimathea’s burial site also; this information coming from Glastonbury but entirely separate from the prophecy itself. Certainly, this is not by coincidence as Montacute concurs with part of the instructional data elucidated from the solution to the cryptic prophecy. So, whoever posited that Joseph was ‘carefully hidden’ in Montacute had a definite knowledge of the solution to the Melkin prophecy and had decoded the prophecy…. or more probably….was responsible for constituting/composing the prophecy of Melkin i.e. Melkin himself.

One can only surmise differing scenarios; Melkin planted this information regarding Montacute as a referential clue which would confirm the indicater of Montacute hill on the 104 mile ‘line’ as a confirmation of the composed line which at its termination point pointed out Joseph’s tomb (as the ‘line’ passes through Montacute). In which case, the association of Joseph’s burial site with Montacute must have been placed in a separate manuscript set apart from his prophecy.  The only other deduction might have been that someone had decoded Melkin’s puzzle, but this is unlikely because Henry Blois (as will become apparent) physically searched at Montacute for the tomb of Joseph.

This search must have been based on the information supplied which cryptically mentioned Joseph’s ‘careful burial’ in connection with Montacute. Henry Blois does not know where the Island of Ineswitrin is located which the Melkin prophecy originally stated had Joseph’s remains buried on it but Henry knows the island is real as it has the same name (before he changed it) as that found in the 601 charter regarding Ineswitrin.

Another possibility is that when the tomb is eventually opened it will be seen that the Turin cloth came from the tomb as posited by Kim Yale and this would imply that previously in history, (but after the death of Henry Blois), the tomb has been opened. Goldsworthy444 posited that it was the Templars who found the tomb by the connection that it was the granddaughter of the last ‘grand master’ who first produced the Turin cloth.

What will become clear is that the Melkin prophecy could not be a fourteenth century invention because the data within the prophecy itself, (which scholars could not unlock), in fact turns out to be a set of instructions. These instructions to the location of Joseph’s tomb are so precise that they identify Burgh Island (by measurement from two major landmarks) as the old tin island of Ictis which links to Joseph by the tin trade.  Like the Dumnonian island of Ineswitrin, Burgh Island is located in Devon, just as our ‘Island of White tin’ or Ineswitrin is named as a consequence of its association with the tin trade.

Once Henry Blois is understood to have found Melkin’s work at Glastonbury, there seems to be three important pieces of Melkin’s work which he employed while building his own literary edifice of rewritten history. Firstly, we may speculate that he based Merlin Ambrosius the prophet on Melkin445 having seen the prophecy and it may have been Henry Blois himself who termed it ‘Melkin’s prophecy’ as it is known today. I would assume the extract, as it exists, came from a larger work and I am suggesting it was Henry who extracted it and changed the name of Ineswitrin and substituted it with Insula Avallonis.

444Michael Goldsworthy. And did those feet.

445I posit this as his original Merlin Ambrosius from HRB not Merlin Sylvestris in VM, which Henry is obviously witnessed to be conflating with the Welsh Myrrdin.

Secondly, there is no way that ‘Geoffrey’ is translating from an old book given him by Archdeacon Walter as recorded in HRB and there is no island named Avalon before ‘Geoffrey’ so, Henry having seen Melkin’s prophecy uses the mystical island icon as his equivalent of Homer and Virgil’s Elysian fields.

Lastly, the idea for providing a semblance of an ancient source book upon which he fabricated the HRB, may have been based upon Melkin’s works. Melkin’s works may have been in a Brythonic tongue (if other works ever existed) but certainly the prophecy was written by Melkin in Latin as its obtuse directions would not have survived translation. Henry Blois is the initial instigator of Grail literature in Britain and on the continent and this icon is derived from the Melkin prophecy.

It is Henry Blois who associates Arthur with Joseph in Grail material. Material on Arthur, as Bale and Pits imply, in a book thought to have been written by Melkin i.e. the book titled ‘De Regis Arthurii mensa rotunda’ was obviously written by Henry Blois…. and this is where John of Glastonbury may have got some of his material from.  Why, if there is no basis to connect Arthur to Melkin, have Pits and Bale associated Melkin’s name with Arthur? It is more likely that Henry Blois impersonated Melkin and composed the book Leland refers to.

De Inventione, Waltham Abbey and Montacute. The connection between Father William Good and the prophecy of Melkin

The short manuscript known as De Inventione Sanctae Crucis Nostrae was written by an unknown author. The main purport of the tract seems to be to give an account of the establishment of the abbey and church of the Holy Cross at Waltham in Essex. The tract contradicts the Vita Haroldi concerning King Harold’s death and two other accounts of where King Harold was buried.

William of Malmesbury’s account in GR states Harold’s mother asked for the dead King Harold’s body after the battle of Hastings and she was given it without ransom. Harold’s mother buried the body at Waltham where he had built the church in honour of the holy cross. However, the church of ‘holy cross’ to which Malmesbury’s account refers, probably derived its name from the fact that it housed part of the original Calvary cross which Harold is said to have procured. There is no mention in William of Malmesbury’s account of the Holy Cross having arrived from Montacute in connection with Waltham Abbey as portrayed by the De Inventione Sanctae Crucis Nostrae.

Most scholars have assumed De Inventione was written by a canon after Becket’s death and around 1177446 when Henry II re-dedicated the abbey on account of a promise made as an act of penance for the murder of Thomas Becket. The reason for assuming this era for the manuscript’s composition is that, the De Inventione ends with an account of the death of Geoffrey de Mandeville in 1144. Most commentators have assumed this is an account written by one of the canons which were removed at Henry II re-dedication of Waltham Abbey.

I believe De Inventione is another instance of Henry Blois using his personal experiences and knowledge to concoct certain histories for his own personal gain and for those under his control. There will be a very few scholars who will agree with my proposition that De Inventione was written by Henry Blois. So, it is worth looking at the information which we can glean in regard to Waltham and Montacute to see why Henry might have written such a tract.

446Carley is wrong in assuming the account was written just before the discovery of Arthur p.304  Although the Holy cross was supposedly discovered in 1035, the account was not written until after 1177; it first appears then very shortly before the Arthurian excavation. Carley’s deduction is conjecture probably also based on the fact that Arthur’s disinterment had similar facets of a disinterment to those described in De Inventione.  De Inventione is a product of Henry Blois and his involvement with the search for the sepulchre of Joseph on an Island as proposed in the Melkin prophecy. Henry Blois thought Joseph’s remains were at Montacute because he had knowledge of the marker clue left behind by Melkin in another work i.e. that statement seen at Glastonbury which was left to posterity that Joseph of Arimathea was buried at Montacute.

What I am proposing concerns the geometry of Melkin’s prophecy and Montacute and what I believe was an attempt by Henry Blois to find the body of Joseph of Arimathea based upon information which only later came to light and was relayed by Father Good but which existed in the muniments of Glastonbury abbey when William of Malmesbury was researching his De Antiquitates: The historical statement has an unknown original source but is obviously connected and derived from knowledge of the Geometry of the Melkin prophecy.

The statement later re-iterated by Father good states: “The monks, never knew for certain the place of this saints burial (Joseph’s) or pointed it out. They said the body was most “carefully hidden” on a hill near Montacute and that when his body would be found, the whole world would wend their way there, on account of the number and wondrous nature of the miracles worked there”. This information was deposited in the English college in Rome by Father Good after the hanging of Richard Whiting. The similarity to the conclusion of the Melkin prophecy is striking also in that the ‘whole world’ would be interested in the outcome of the discovery of the body.

There are several coincidences between this information relayed by Father Good and the Melkin prophecy itself apart from the very fact that Montecute is itself part of the ‘marker’ geometric solution to the Melkin prophecy. The first coincidence is that Joseph’s name is connected with Montacute in conjunction with a paraphrase of the last lines of Melkin’s prophecy.

If we accept the coincidence of Henry Blois being the primordial instigator of Robert De Boron’s Joseph d’ Arimathie,( yet to be discussed) and also being Abbot of Glastonbury where the Melkin material was found; along with the coincidence that Henry Blois was also Dean of Waltham Abbey…. and the fact the ‘Red Book of the Exchequer’ 447says Henry Blois was prior of Montacute; all this must warrant closer scrutiny regarding the absolutely ridiculous legend put forward as fact in  De Inventione portraying how the Holy Cross arrived at Waltham having been found at Montacute.

447H. Hall, ed, The Red Book of the Exchequer, vol 2, 752, In a passage ‘ex libro Abbatis de Feversham’, it is stated that Henry was prior of Montacute previous to his appointment as Abbot of Glastonbury. It only becomes pertinent concerning that which Father William Good had to say about Joseph of Arimathea’s remains being ‘carefully hidden’ at Montacute in consideration of Henry’s part in writing the De Inventione Sanctae Crucis Nostrae in Monte Acuto et De ductione ejusdem, apud Waltham.

In the ‘Red Book of the Exchequer’ it lists Henry of Blois as Prior of Montacute. Montacute was a possession of Glastonbury. It may well be that plans for a new religious house were in place at Montacute which were subsequently shelved by King Henry Ist and maybe Henry Blois was prior of Montacute before Glastonbury, but this is conjecture.

There is no certainty of where Henry was in the interim between leaving Clugny as a young man and his arrival at Glastonbury. As we have already covered, he was probably with King Henry Ist and his own brother Stephen in France in 1128. However, it is of little consequence if he were at Montacute before Glastonbury. If the Red book is in error and Henry’s notoriety in Montacute is derived from his own personal dig at Montacute, while abbot of Glastonbury; it makes no difference either.

It is the coincidence of a dig being carried out at Montacute and corroborative evidence concerning a marker point in Melkin’s geometry which then links to Waltham where Henry was Dean; conjoined with the information concerning Joseph’s body which says he was most “carefully hidden” on a hill near Montacute…. which makes this investigation worthwhile. 

If, unlike intransigent modern scholars, we can accept that a work of Melkin existed at Glastonbury in Henry Blois’ tenure as abbot of Glastonbury, we can then understand how the short sentence ‘Joseph is carefully hidden’ in Montacute, came to be so significant to Henry Blois and why he instigated a dig at Montacute.  It would then follow that he later used as a basis for composing the flatulently ridiculous train of events recorded in De Inventione Sanctae Crucis Nostrae, the legend of the Holy cross’s arrival at Waltham.

What I am proposing is that Joseph’s name was originally linked to Montacute by Melkin in a separate manuscript from the encrypted geometric information relayed in the prophecy of Melkin itself. Quite seperately the name of Joseph linked with Montacute must have been given as an aid to solving the geometry which defines the 104 mile line which leads to Burgh Island or…., as we now know the island originally named Ynswitrin (or White Tin Island)

As a dig was performed at Montacute by Henry Blois and no remains of Joseph were found, the episode was used by Henry Blois to provide a legend for the glorification and increased income to the Dean of Waltham (Henry Blois) having just endured a fruitless search for Joseph of Arimathea at Montacute. This is the hypothesis!

The implication is that the Holy cross was bogusly found at Montacute after an unfruitful dig, instead of Joseph’s grave. When the implication is expanded; the Holy Cross, supposedly unearthed on the whim of a premonition of the local blacksmith at Montacute, might have been buried by Joseph when he came to Britain…. although any connection to the dig by Henry Blois and Joseph are not made in any manuscript.

It seems rational to deduce that the link to the actual dig that took place in search of Joseph’s remains by Henry Blois in reality…. is based on information about Joseph being buried in Montacute. This was obviously passed down through the ages to Father Good by Richard Whiting. This information in its origin (since no-one to date had decoded the geometry) could only have derived from Melkin himself and that is what prompted Henry Blois to search at Montacute…. which then prompts this investigation into the unlikely story provided in De Inventione and its author.

Modern scholars link the dig at Montacute to parallels in Adam of Damerham’s account and that of Giraldus Cambrensis’ concerning the unearthing of Arthur, rather than linking the montacute dig by a certain Henry Blois to Melkin’s description of where Joseph is ‘carefully hidden’. There are only two accounts in ancient literature which posit where the body of Joseph of Arimathea might be.

It is spelled out by Melkin in his enigmatic yet encrypted prophecy which refers the reader to an Island called Insula Avallonis (or the substituted Ineswitrin), the modern day Burgh Island. The other location is that piece of information passed on to posterity by Father William Good after the dissolution of the monasteries, which, remarkably points out the hill of Montacute. It is not by coincidence that Montacute is on the ‘104 mile line’ Melkin has sent us to locate by decryption of his geometric puzzle!! 

On the subject of Montacute, this is what Carley has to say:

Montacute, and by extension the Waltham had connections with Glastonbury, which would cause the Glastonbury community to have an active interest in the story. Montacute is, of course, within a few miles of Glastonbury. Both places are characterised by prominent hills and one can be seen from the other. References to a lost charter suggest that as early as the last quarter of the seventh century, Baldred made a grant of 16 hides to Glastonbury at Logworesbeorh i.e. Montacute. William of Malmesbury, too, refers to the ancient name of Logworesbeorh for Montacute and specifically links the place with the personal name of Logwor, occurs on one of the pyramids in the ancient cemetery, the pyramids between which Arthur’s body was later to be found. Henry of Blois, Abbot of Glastonbury (1126-1171), sold the deanery of Waltham in 1144 and tried to buy a gem from the cross for 100 marks. He was himself a Cluniac and may too have at one time been prior of Montacute’s Priory. In the account itself several points stand out. In both cases the excavators must dig to a great depth before they discover anything. At Montacute they finally come across a stone described as ‘Mire Magitudis’. According to Adam of Damerham, the Glastonbury monks also find a ‘Sarcophagum ligneum mirae magnitudis’. Unlike other chroniclers, moreover, Adam adds the strange detail that the site in the cemetery was surrounded by curtains. This brings to mind the tent which covered the dig at Montacute.  In sum, then, Glastonbury Abbey would have had a proprietary interest in Montacute doings, at least one 12th century abbot, Henry of Blois, knew the cross well, and it is certainly possible that the community had early access to a version of De Inventione. The parallels between the two texts may even support the supposition that De Inventione was some sort of vague model for the organisation of the excavation at Glastonbury in 1191. Beyond this it is not possible to speculate although it would be tempting to suggest that De Inventione was an even more specific catalyst for the later dig.’448

448James p. Carley. The discovery of the Holy Cross at Waltham

ys into

449Franklin, 86. Voss 162-163

Waltham was then restored to Adelicia again, but the story becomes unclear when the canons houses are burnt. An incident took place between Adelicia’s new husband William d’Aubygny and Geoffrey de Mandeville. It was to her patronage, apparently during her second occupation, that our author owed his canonry and prebend. Henry Blois has a habit of flattering his opponents as seen in the dedications in HRB to avoid detection in authorship. He is also adept at inventing relationships between the author he is impersonating or fabricating and personages of standing which establishes contemporaneity. Also, as seen in GS, he inserts negative criticisms of himself so as to deflect suspicion of authorship.

According to our ‘author’, Henry Blois attempted, to carry off the ‘great carbuncle’ from Waltham. Geoffrey de Mandeville was out of favour with Stephen and Bishop Henry after changing his allegiance to the Empress Matilda. Geoffrey de Mandeville eventually died in the siege of Burwell against Stephen’s forces but caused serious problems while rebelling against him.

It just seems more than coincidental that the Holy Cross is conferred with the power of retribution against Geoffrey, when for a rational mind his death had nothing to do with the cross at Waltham.  I believe for a short time after 1144, when the cross was supposedly taken down (which apparently caused the death of Geoffrey at the siege of Burwell), Henry concocted this story with the intent of gaining materially from creating the legend. The precise motives and unfulfilled intentions will never be found out.

What I have tried to show is the link between Henry Blois, Tovi’s fictitious find at Montacute, Henry’s deanship at Waltham and how Henry Blois links this to an earlier episode in his life…. when he had searched for the body of Joseph of Arimathea at Montacute. This is probably how, in the end, Carley associates the Montacute dig with Arthur’s disinterment along with Adam’s similarity in description of the two episodes.

I believe the flint cross did exist and Henry had plans to instigate another legendary part of British history based on a crucifix he had procured from abroad…. but somehow his plan or design was thwarted as he lost control of Waltham. It is also a strange fact that since our author’s account of when the cross was taken down, there is no specific mention of the cross up to when the abbey was dissolved in 1540. There is no mention of the ‘Flint Cross’ by description beforehand except that which is derived from this very concoction of the De Inventione. If the Holy Cross was such a fine work….unprecedented work of the compound, the Supreme artist’s hand at work, why is it not described in Vita Haroldi?

However the conflation is obvious in the Vita Haroldi450 quatuor cruces auro atque argento et gemmis fabricates.

450Vita Haroldi, MS. HarL, 3776, Michel, Chroniques Anglo-Normandes, ii. 162,

While composing the legend, Henry substantiates the story using real people gleaned from charter evidence which would substantiate that Tovi held land both at Montacute and at Waltham. Henry chose Tovi as the protagonist as Tovi is known from other sources to have been a man of some standing during the reign of Cnut and active in the early 1040’s. On Tovi’s death, the properties which pertained to his office as ‘staller’ are said to have passed to his son Æthelstan. We hear again in the De inventione that Æthelstan, lost Waltham, which was then gifted by King Edward to Earl Harold who re-founded the church for a Dean and 12 canons and the foundation was confirmed in 1062, by charter of King Edward the Confessor.

Henry’s account is fictionalized history based upon anecdotal history just as he constructed HRB. The basis for the Holy Cross’s provenance would seem to be based on Henry’s search for Joseph. Henry carried out a dig at Montacute because he was aware of the same information which was eventually passed to Father Good much later which says that Joseph is ‘carefully hidden’ there. It was a message from antiquity supplied by Melkin and it pertained to his geometry. Believing Joseph is buried at Montacute is a misinterpretation of ‘carefully hidden’.

Montacute is a reference point on the line Melkin is directing us to construct on a map which indicates Burgh Island….the clue itself is ‘carefully hidden’ until revealed as a confirmation point on the line. Not by coincidence, Montacute is a hill just like Glastonbury tor and Burrow Mump, both of which partially define the original reference line (the Michael line) which we are led to bifurcate at Avebury.451

451In other words, both ends of the line are defined by…. at one end the sperula of Avebury and the other….Insula Avallonis or what was originally Ineswitrin. The length is defined by the 104 miles. However, so that the constructor of the line is confident that he has constructed the line correctly, Montacute was also stressed as a marker point in another part of Melkin’s work obviated by Father Good’s testimony regarding Joseph of Arimathea.

Melkin’s prophecy is a set of instructions, but the reference to Montacute (provided in a separate part of Melkin’s work), is merely an obtuse pointer, which in no way insists Joseph ‘is’ at Montacute; but rather through association with Montacute we should find where he is ‘most carefully hidden’. Melkin’s intention was as a ‘clue’ to unlocking his puzzle i.e. a reference point on the line and indicator if one has constructed the 104 mile line correctly.

Father Good’s association of Montacute with Melkin’s prophecy is evident by his interpretation: They said the body was hidden most carefully, either there (Glastonbury), or on a Hill near Montacute called Hamden Hill, and that when his body should be found, the whole world should wend their way thither on account of the number and wondrous nature of the miracles worked there.

Even though Father Good’s information speaks of Joseph, it would not be a natural association to make under normal circumstances in William Good’s day. By this time, all assumed Joseph was in Avalon and Avalon was at Glastonbury.  It is for this reason it would seem that Father Good’s actions in perpetuating this information derives from the fact that it was privileged information which was about to be lost due to the Dissolution of the monastic system. The clue regarding Joseph’s remains and Montacute had been passed down through the generations. Father Good therefore made a point of passing this nugget of information on to posterity as he held this confidence to be important. It is evident that Father Good’s intentions were to perpetuate to posterity what he had probably been told by abbot Whiting before his death.

Carley refuses to accept the solution to Melkin’s prophecy. It would involve a retraction of many positions mistakenly held, but he would answer his own question: Why did the monks come to associate Joseph with Montacute? Why did they not discover his remains in the abbey cemetery?452

452James p. Carley. Discovery of the Holy cross at Waltham.

If we can accept Montacute being on Melkin’s line is not a coincidence, then one ought to conclude that one man composed both the geometry in the prophecy and the clue that Montacute is a marker on the geometric line which the data in the Melkin prophecy constructs. This is because both are relevant and are mentioned in relation to Joseph’s burial place. This unlikely coincidence should act as a confirmation by the fact that no-one knew where Joseph was buried except Melkin. It is with this reasoning that we can assume that this ‘tip off’ to a solution to the puzzle was misunderstood by Henry Blois as meaning that Joseph was buried at Montacute. His interest had been sparked by seeing Melkin’s work in the Glastonbury Library and therefore negates Carley’s insistence that the Melkin Prophecy is a 14th century fake.

Most commentators today assume that the reference in Maihew’s Trophea to Father William Good’s account regarding Joseph of Arimathea has its origins in the earlier fictional account supplied in De Inventione about the unveiling of the Holy Cross at Montacute by Tovi. This stance is simply incorrect and Tovi’s link to the flint cross is pure invention.

It was Melkin’s Montacute clue which was the basis for the De Inventione legend which derived from the dig. No one has seemed to ask the question as to why Harold’s relic of the Holy Cross (supposedly a remnant of the original cross) is conflated with the flint cross found in Montacute. Would not Harold’s relic warrant more legend apportioned to it rather than Tovi’s flint cross? In reality Harold’s relic was probably the cause of the church being named after the Holy Cross and Henry Blois when Dean of Waltham attached his own concocted legend to the name by the story found in De Inventione.

What is the Holy Cross doing secreted underground in some random location in England buried at the top of a hill? One can’t just come up with a cross as Dean of Waltham at a religious house known for its cross (which no longer exists) without making up a legend for the beautiful new cross that has just appeared.  This is why De Inventione.  was concocted but in reality, it is the result of a fruitless dig for Joseph at Montacute and the fact that Henry had probably newly acquired a beautiful cross from Rome. 

Montacute Priory was not founded until 1078 and so this discrepancy is dealt with in the De Inventione by suggesting there was a priest and Sexton at Montacute earlier in the century. Also, another strange fact that indicates De Inventione is concocted is that the fictitious disaffected canon gives no indication of where he composed the De Inventione and certainly betrays no anger at supposedly being ousted from Waltham. When one adds to this smoke the common assumption453 that Glastonbury had a version of De Inventione,…. it might suggest that it was written at Glastonbury or by someone connected.

453Probably because Adam has seen a copy.

Father William Good was a Jesuit priest born at Glastonbury who served mass in the Abbey as a boy before its dissolution. He left to posterity, at the English college in Rome, the information conveyed to him by an elder at the Abbey i.e Richard Whiting before being hanged. This same information Henry Blois had come across 300 years earlier c.1130 when William of Malmesbury searched through the dusty muniments in the scriptorium at Glastonbury as part of his research for De Antiquitates.

Maihew, while he was a student in the English College, after Father Good’s death, copied the following text from the signed manuscript which Father Good had left for posterity. I believe, before the monastery of Glastonbury was disbanded when William Good was still a boy, the secret concerning Montacute which had been passed down from Abbot to Abbot through the ages, finally left Glastonbury with William Good.

The secret was probably passed to Father Good by Abbot Whiting before he was hanged on Glastonbury tor. It was then written down in adulthood by Father Good at Rome…. so the importance of the information would not be lost to posterity. This proves one point. Although it may have been bandied about that Joseph’s grave existed in some place in Glastonbury, it was never unequivocally found. Father Good would not think it important to provide the information in his era and we know the grave could not be there anyway.

There appears to have been an attempt to cover up this following passage from being widely made public, since the copies of Maihew’s Trophea in the British Museum, in the Bodleian library and in the library of Trinity College Dublin are all missing this specific passage.454 The passage quoted here actually comes from Stillingfleet’s private collection that was sold to Archbishop Marsh’s library in 1704 and is now in Dublin Library. Who has tried to prevent this information regarding the resting place of Joseph from reaching the public domain.

Archbishop Usher in his Antiquitates,455 who quotes from Maihew’s Trophea: ’Quod autem ad montem illum Hamdenhil nuncupatum,in quo aliqui S.Josephum ab Arimathea sepultum perhibent spectat habebatur sane olim sacellum in illo monte constructum inter sacra et veranda angliae loca.’….‘As for the mountain called Hamden hill, in which some claim Joseph of Arimathea is buried, clearly from the looks a chapel was once located here, built on that mountain, among the sacred and revered places of England’.

454Two Glastonbury legends. J. Armitage Robinson p.66 (Kesinger Legacy Reprints)

455Antiquitates p.16 of ed. 1678.

The reference there given for it is: Edvard. Maihew Congreat. Anglican. ordanis Benedict. Tabula.2.pag. 1118,1119.  Maihew‘s Trophea is divided into three tabulae but the numbering of the pages is continuous throughout; so the tabula 2 contains pp. 883-1888. Why is it that this one vital aid to verification of a correctly constructed Joseph line is missing from three copies? 

Montacute is a vital confirmational marker on the line which identifies Burgh Island at its 104-mile extension from Avebury at 13 degrees to the Michael line. The Montacute marker point lets us know we have decoded Melkin’s riddle correctly. Although Hamden Hill is referred to, the reference which Father Good makes is to the St Michael’s Hill of today, which, as the quote reports had a Chapel on it.

It is interesting to note that there remains no trace of the St. Michael church at Montacute nor at Burgh Island, yet these two locations are two points which link to all the chapels comprising the Templar built ‘ St Michael line’ of churches through to the bifurcation point. An attempt has been made to cover-up the clue and testament to Joseph’s whereabouts left by Father William Good by someone in the 17th century. We may speculate that the relevance of St Michael’s on Montacute hill and St Michael’s on Burgh Island close to St Michael’s on Glastonbury tor and Burrow Mump were perhaps too obvious a pointer. 

After all, whoever plotted the linear design of Michael churches must have cracked Melkin’s code otherwise we have an amazing coincidence of Michael churches marking the two lines which are in effect the solution to Melkin’s riddle. We could accept a whole line of churches set upon an old Beltane line as a coincidence ‘at a push’; but one has to get real when the two other St. Michael churches are on Melkin’s constructed line and these are the only two places on earth which have references to Joseph of Arimathea’s grave site. Plus the fact  the line we are cryptically steered to construct, terminates on the very island about which the original Melkin prophecy had as its subject before Henry Blois changed the name to Insula Avallonis.

Maihew writes: For this man (Father Good) was situated until now in the same monastery (Glastonbury) in a flourishing position, a boy brought up as a priest to devote himself to sacrifice for the mass, after the overturning of the rule of the Catholic Queen Mary; however, while Queen Elizabeth was persecuting the Catholics, he was made a member of the clergy of the Fellowship of Jesus. And when the church of the Anglican college was decorated with pictures, he was the first to assemble in that place an enumeration of the distinguished holy men of England, with him as leader, to ensure that the appearances and deeds of those very men in that place were portrayed with a faithful likeness to the truth.

However, concerning the convent of Glastonbury and Saint Joseph of Arimathea, he leaves behind the following, written in his own hand and signed in that place with his own name:‘at Glastonbury there were bronze plates as a perpetual memorial, chapels, crypts, crosses, arms, the keeping of the feast(of St Joseph) on July 27, as long as the monks enjoyed the protection of Kings by their charters. Now all these things have perished in the ruins. The monks never knew for certain the place of this Saints burial, or pointed it out. They said the body was hidden most carefully, either there (Glastonbury), or on a Hill near Montacute called Hamden Hill, and that when his body should be found, the whole world should wend their way thither on account of the number and wondrous nature of the miracles worked there. Among other things, I remember to have seen, at Glastonbury, a stone cross, thrown down during this Queens reign, a bronze plate, on the which was carved an inscription relating that Joseph of Arimathea came to Britain 30 years after Christ’s Passion, with eleven or twelve companions: that he was allowed by Arviragus the King to dwell at Glastonbury, which was then an island called Avalon, in a simple and solitary life: and that he had brought with him two small silver vessels in which was some of the most holy blood and water which had flowed from the side of the dead Christ. This cross, moreover, had been set up many years before to mark the length of the Chapel of the Blessed Virgin, made by Saint Joseph with wattle. The length was measured by a straight line from the centre of the cross to the side of the chancel afterwards built of hewn stone, under which also there was of old, in a subterranean crypt the Chapel of St Joseph. Outside, in the wall of this Chapel of the blessed virgin, there was a stone with the words ‘Jesus, Maria’, carved in very ancient letters. The old arms of the monastery of Glastonbury confirm (the traditions). These arms are a white shield on which is placed vertically the stem of the green cross, and from side to side the arms of a cross in like manner. Drops of blood are scattered over the field of the shield; on both sides of the upper right and under the arms of the cross are set golden ampullae. These were always called St Joseph’s insignia for he was piously believed to have abided there; and even perhaps to have been buried there. There was in that same place (at Glastonbury) a long underground sanctuary where a very famous pilgrimage was established to the stone statue of that saint there; and there were many miracles done there, even while I was a boy, who was born there (in Glastonbury), and I served mass in the sanctuary as an eight-year old, and I saw it destroyed by the impious man, William Goals, under Henry VIII.’

Thus far go the words of that man (Father Good); as I said, he signs his name in his own hand under these things: I copied them down from the manuscript itself when I was a pupil of the same Anglican college in Rome, and always I kept them safe with me, across sea and land, amid the most savage persecutions of heretics. Nevertheless, it points towards that mount named Hamden Hill, on which some claim the tomb of St. Joseph of Arimathea to be, the sanctuary on that mount was kept safe for some time, built among the sacred and revered places of England. In fact I remember when sometimes I myself would traverse that mount, a certain old man who lived not far from that place would receive me through trust in my worthiness, often, during the reign of Elizabeth the heretic, to visit that place, and there, in a particular place he was accustomed to pray on his knees.

Father Good follows the pseudo-historical myth of Avalon which started in HRB along with Arviragus etc. and was then consolidated in DA by Henry Blois. However, no-one before Father Good mentions Joseph of Arimathea at Montacute.  Adam of Damerham’s account is based on De Inventione.  The De Inventione manuscript probably existed at Glastonbury through connection to Henry Blois the author of that script.

The De inventione Holy Cross dig at Montacute by Henry Blois inspired Henry’s muses and seems to be a template for the later unearthing of Arthur at Glastonbury as Carley unwittingly suggests. Hence, I hope the reader can see why I am labouring the point that a connection with Joseph and Melkin’s prophecy which Father Good makes, must have existed at Glastonbury in the time of Henry Blois.

Montacute was not mentioned in DA in connection with Joseph because it would detract from Henry’s primary goal; which was the conversion of Glastonbury to Avalon. What this indicates to me is that by Henry’s exclusion of the information regarding Joseph at another location i.e. Montacute, is the conformation that the information existed in reality. Although the information concerning Joseph being ‘carefully hidden’ at Montacute was extant at the time that scholars deduce DA’s interpolations took place, Montacute’s connection to Joseph is not mentioned in DA.

The mention of Montacute in DA would contradict Henry’s efforts of transformation of Glastonbury into Avalon and Joseph’s place there; Joseph’s tomb was indicated by Melkin to be in Avalon now that Henry had changed the name of the island on the Melkin Prophecy. Only Melkin who composed the cryptic prophecy of Melkin had Knowledge of Montacute’s connection to Joseph and hinted as a misdirectional clue in another text that He was carefully hidden there. We can now see he was not carefully hidden but the marker point of Montacute on the 104 mile line is but a confimational nodal point on the 104 mile line which extends from Avebury to Burgh Island.

Avalon, as we have covered, has its basis in the prophecy concerning Burgh Island, (the original Ineswitrin). The name Avalon, in connection with an island, is Henry’s invention as we witnessed in HRB (Arthur’s last resting place); the name derived from a town near Clugny. Nowhere does the name Avalon pre-exist Henry Blois at Glastonbury.

The DA that Henry left to posterity as a final version was not fully rewritten until the latter stages of Henry’s life c.1169-71 when he stayed for the most part in his palace at Winchester. The DA was returned to Glastonbury fully interpolated and lastly consolidated by Henry adding the first two chapters. The DA was bequeathed by Henry after his death to Glastonbury along with the other books. Further interpolations were added to DA after Henry’s death by monk-craft.

It is interesting to note concerning Montacute that the statements by Father Good: ‘The monks never knew for certain the place of this Saints burial, or pointed it out’, and ‘even perhaps to have been buried there’, tend to denote that in Father Good’s day it was recognised that previous generations of monks had fabricated the whole legend. It would seem that the subterranean chapel at Glastonbury in Father Good’s time might have been an attempt at establishing a place of worship where Joseph was supposed to be buried even after J. Blome’s search.

In 1367 an anonymous East Anglian chronicler reports that Joseph’s body had been found. We could speculate that this is connected to the appearance of the Turin shroud c.1357 which is possible based on the fact that others have postulated the shroud originated in the tomb on Burgh Island 50 years earlier; when the Templars having solved Melkin’s puzzle entered the tomb and took the shroud.

However, the Glastonbury monks were unable to produce the Grail for all to see…. or conjure up the duo fassula which were known to be buried with Joseph. The legend lacked credibility with pilgrims. Monks were cautious about faking a grave  for Joseph in case Joseph’s relics were in reality discovered. As Father Good bears witness, the ‘miracles’ which were prophesied by Melkin and which were supposed to happen at the unveiling of the grave, were already taking place at this underground sanctuary, so Monk craft seems to have tried to convince pilgrims, but not even Glastonbury’s Officine de faux or the wiles of Henry Blois would have the effrontery to fabricate  the ‘duo fassula’, the icon of  the Grail.456  What was the Grail but Henry’s transformation of the ‘fassula’ into the cup which held Jesus’ blood and that is a tricky thing to pull out of a hat with attendant miracles for pilgrims.

Father Good says: there were many miracles done there in a long underground sanctuary where a very famous pilgrimage was established to the stone statue of that saint. If Joseph had been discovered, there would be no need for the statue. Also, if Joseph had been found, there would be little point in recording the possibility that Joseph is at Montacute by Father Good. We can conclude that the Glastonbury monks knew that Joseph’s grave had never in reality been discovered at Glastonbury and as Wood suggests they held back the fabrication through religious scruples

  Although Father Good attests that Glastonbury is Avalon, he is unconvinced that Joseph is actually buried there. The fact that Maihew went to Montacute circa 1620 and witnessed a man on his knees praying indicates that maybe the St Michael chapel was still standing, but it is an odd coincidence that both the St Michael Chapel at Montacute and that which Camden bears witness to on Burgh Island457  have both left no trace behind yet were purposefully built on the two locations as part of the St Michael array of churches and chapels which trace the decryption of Melkin’s geometry by the Templars. 

Possibly, subsequent searchers being newly appraised of this hitherto un-published information concerning Joseph’s burial at Montacute, dismantled the chapel on the top of the hill to search beneath for the Grail. We could speculate that some copies of Maihew’s Trophea were meddled with, so as to exclude Father Good’s information being spread abroad.

456Wood, ‘Fraud and its consequences’ p. 282. It would appear, though, that this modesty (in not unearthing Joseph’s bones and the duo fassula) was not a product of the normal forger’s caution, a fear of claiming things so outrageous that the whole fabricated structure becomes endangered. Rather, given Joseph’s role in the crucifixion, and further given the Holy Grail’s heterodox associations, it seems likely that the monks failures here may well have arisen from religious scruples, from a recognition that there were some frauds that could endanger the faith’. Wood has it right and Henry preferred to manufacture the grave of Arthur rather than Joseph.

457Camden’s description of Burgh Island where the River Avon meets the sea at Bigbury: ‘where the Aven’s waters with the sea are mixed; Saint Michael firmly on a rock is fixed’. Speculatively, the nomenclature of Bigbury should not be overlooked either as etymologically if the ‘Bury’ indicated ‘borough’ the name is senseless but in describing a big burial place. 

Even if all three copies of Maihew’s Trophea were made from one exemplar apart from Stillingfleet’s private one; why is just this section missing out of the entire volume? An even greater coincidence is that Melkin’s original line (the St Michael line) thus named by all the churches built along its axis, is the primary line which we are led to bifurcate at Avebury; and the line Melkin expressly wishes us to construct, (at the pertinent points on that line once constructed), also had St Michael churches on them (at Montacute and Burgh Island).

It is as if someone had traced over the solution to Melkin’s decoded puzzle on a map and plotted St Michael dedicated buildings along the lines. It is as if the dots on the lines are St Michael chapels, but this is not Melkin’s doing. Melkin used what seemed to be fortuitously placed landmarks which constituted the Beltane line in his era. The fact that the topographical land features of Burgh Island and Montacute on the ‘Joseph line’ are similar to Glastonbury tor, Burrow Mump and St Michael’s Mount in Cornwall (on the Michael line) must be an extraordinary coincidence of nature mixed with Melkin’s choice in creating the puzzle…. or by Heavenly design, if one were to consider who it is that is still undiscovered on Burgh Island.

The chapels which mark both the St Michael line and Joseph line were constructed after Henry Blois’ era. There is an exception and this is why we should be suspicious of the mention of the St. Michael chapel on Glastonbury tor which is (not coincidentally) where St Patrick’s charter was supposedly found.

Rather than embark on a digression here concerning Henry Blois’ construction of St Patrick’s charter458 replicated in DA, where not only does he substantiate his invention of Ineswitrin as being synonymous with Glastonbury (by using the same method of backdating in the words of St Patrick); but he also introduces Phagan and Deruvian…. first mentioned in First Variant HRB.

We should leave this until the section on DA further on. But it is interesting that it is Rudborne459  who attests Phagan and Deruvian were the consecrators of the old Minster at Winchester.460  Henry Blois’ invention and insertion of the St Patrick charter into DA seemingly appears to have St Patrick (and William of Malmesbury) referring to the island of Avalon (which is impossible) and it also establishes Patrick’s burial there where author B cited a rumour (not mentioning Avalon). (Appendix 32).

458See Appendix 32

459Thomas Rudborne c. 1430, an English Benedictine monk of St Swithun’s Priory, Winchester in his Historia Major has Phagan and Deruvian as founders of the old Minster at Winchester. Antonia Grandsen has noted their use at Winchester by Rudborne, but they are not mentioned in the thirteenth century account of the foundation. It is interesting however at both York and Winchester, the tabulae contained information about the foundation of the old cathedral by Phaganus and Deruvianus. Archbishop Usher also cites a Winchester libellus written 1,265 years after the foundation by Phaganus and Duvianus in ad 169. We might think Phagan and Deruvian were connected to Winchester’s founding and Henry Blois used their names in HRB and connected them to Eleutherius and the rest…. isn’t history.

460The Legendary history of Britain J.S.P. Tatlock p. 248 makes the nonchalant observation: The picking out of Winchester as the single English See mentioned here is one of the matters which suggests that Geoffrey had some special favour towards it. Its new bishop Duvianus (Diwanus) has the same name as Lucius’ missionary earlier…

However, there should be no surprise that the tomb on Burgh Island has been discovered previously. If Melkin’s description of the Grail has something to do with the formation of the Shroud of Turin as others have elucidated,461 the tomb must have been opened at some stage prior to the appearance of the shroud.

To carry out the intended aim of the prophecy (which is to show where the grave of Joseph of Arimathea is located), it is necessary to understand the instructional data in the prophecy. This directs us to construct the line (which, not by coincidence, goes through St. Michael’s hill Montacute) as we have shown. The reason Montecute is given as an intended clue is because it verifies a plotting point on the 104-mile line.  The puzzle can only be understood by creating a line on a map.462 This line is the 104 nautical mile line which extends from Avebury to Burgh Island as I have said.  It is the solution to what appears as random unintelligible words, which, (once understood), mark out a constructed line which extends through the only two stated places that Joseph is said to be buried. One on the Island of Ineswitrin, which we know is Burgh Island, and the other at Montacute which we know is only a conformational marker point.

461M. Goldsworthy. And did those feet. The Turin Shroud.

462Any reader can construct the same two lines on Google earth.

It would be highly unlikely that the two places Joseph is said to be buried just happened by chance to be on a line which purported to unlock his sepulchre’s whereabouts once the intent of the prophecy is decrypted. It is more unlikely the end of the line would end up on an island and that the meaning behind the obtuse latin in Melkin’s prophecy is all coincidental. But don’t forget we are ‘instructed’ by our current expert prof Carley, that the prophecy of Melkin was supposedly meaningless, a composite jumble of words dreamt up by different people at different times and constituted from different material and refers to a fortress in Syria.

The Montacute ‘marker’ could only have been known as a point on the 104-mile line by the constructor of the puzzle or someone who has decoded the prophecy since Melkin.  Yet if it was information supplied by Melkin and the reasoning we think Henry Blois went in search of Joseph at Montacute, logically no one before the Templars had decoded the Melkin prophecy. We should conclude the organisation behind the erection of the St Michael churches along both lines might be responsible for opening the tin vault on Burgh island shortly before the Templar’s fatal day.

If I am correct in assuming De inventione is a product of a failed dig in search of Joseph of Arimathea at Montacute and if Henry used the clue for the inspiration for his dig at Montacute…. we can only assume an earlier provenance for the Melkin prophecy than scholars allow. 

Why is it that scholarship cannot see the wood for the trees when it comes to Melkin? The prophecy has three main subjects…. the Island, Joseph of Arimathea and Jesus, who is cryptically referred to as Abbadare. We are told the island is coveting pagans and we know it holds two Jews which Melkin might refer to pagans as Jews (the two most famous Jews to boot). We are told the sepulchre of Joseph is on the Island and he has something there with him. Melkin is reticent to tell us what it is, but cryptically informs us that it is the duo fassula, which we must assume has a close connection to Jesus, as his blood is implied to be in one of the Vessels…. or so the way the words are written…. we are led to believe.

We know there is no vessel like cup, but the Melkin prophecy is directly referring to Jesus through the name Abbadare. So, Melkin informs us, if we find an English Meridian (of which there is only one, i.e. that which runs from St Michael’s mount to Avebury), which is termed the Michael Line these days; we are then to bifurcate the ‘English Meridian’ at a point in a sphere according to the instructions.

The point of Melkin’s message to posterity is obviated by instructing us it is a ‘line’…. which, when bifurcated, at that point…. produces another line by the action of bifurcation. We know it is an invitation to uncover a grave site because it is referring to the sepulchre of Joseph of Arimathea; and the prophecy informs us of the marvelous things which will occur when it is found in the future.

Therefore, we know we are looking for a grave on an island. So, we must logically assume that the other information in the prophecy is relevant to finding the tomb. If we follow the purport of the prophecy and apply the relevant details found in it, (none of which are irrelevant or redundant); we must conclude, since the prophecy indicates we are looking for an island, the seemingly non-sensible words are clues to uncover the said island’s whereabouts.

Therefore, we must find the relevance and meaning behind ‘all’ the supposedly obscure words found in the prophecy.  Once we know that the ‘English Meridian’ is known today as the Michael line, any investigator can progress. If we deny this fact, listen to the experts, or are duped by Glastonbury propaganda, there can be no hope of finding a solution or the sepulchre of Joseph.

If we bifurcate that line as instructed within the sphaerula (which can only be Avebury stone circle), there are only three other extraneous and unemployed pieces of information, once the meaning behind the prophecy is decoded. If we use the 104 mile line (the other half of a bifurcation) which we are led to believe must be formed on a map, (logically, because we are looking for a geographical location) and employ the bifurcation point of Avebury stone circle, which is on the Michael line…. and follow the instruction to divide (bifurcate) at an angle of thirteen degrees (sperulatis); we find the line terminates on an Island in Devon 104 miles from Avebury.

Now, if we accept Insula Avallonis as a substituted name for Ineswitrin, (knowing Henry Blois is the inventor of the name Avalon) one would be very dim indeed if one did not recognise the only two places (an island or Montacute) which have been posited as the grave site of Joseph of Arimathea both exist on the line which Melkin has implied should be constructed and which is precisely 104 nautical miles long..

It would be an amazing coincidence if the geometry haphazardly fell on Burgh Island, especially as we have determined that it is the ancient island of Ictis, considering Joseph’s association with the tin trade. It also must be considered in association with Ineswitrin and its nomenclature derived from the description of ‘white tin’ and the fact that it has the same name as that found on the 601 charter donated by the King of Devon.

Researchers need to answer how Burgh Island and Montacute are on a line that is unknown until constructed on a map from an encoded document and who it was that built these St. Michael churches as markers. Burgh Island and Montacute were previously unconnected before the line is drawn and this line is the solution to Melkin’s puzzle and both places connect to tradition concerning Joseph’s burial site.

How randomly coincidental it would be that Father Good invents such a notion concerning Montacute in connection to Joseph’s resting place, especially being a Glastonbury acolyte. It is even more astounding that for Carley, the prophecy is a cohesion of esoteric material from different sources, invented with no specifics in it that have any meaning except those that might be relevant to the old church at Glastonbury, Baybars and a Syrian fortress. In fact, it is ludicrous to suggest that the prophecy of Melkin is in any way connected to a fortress in Syria considering the Valley of Jehosaphat is the metaphoric place where the day of judgement by Jehova takes place…. where the God of Israel will gather all nations for judgment.

What benefit would it bring to our supposed thirteenth century inventor of the prophecy, if his sole aim was to align himself with Grail literature emanating from the continent as Carley and Lagorio insist? Why would our rogue author randomly interject such words as sperula and Abbadare? Saphat has little connotation or meaning without the person of Abbadare or Jesus. Nor do the given numerical measurements of 13 and 104 have relevance unless we prefer to locate the grave with Carley’s insight of ‘thirteen spheres prophesying’ and reckoning that 144,000 saints are buried within the abbey grounds at Glastonbury. 

We must conclude the ‘Carefully hidden’ allusion to the marker point of Montacute, constituted a confirmation of the constructed line formed by following instructional data left to posterity in the prophecy.  I understand that Carley finds the words of the prophecy unintelligible before Kim Yale decoded it, but once I had seen the solution…. there it is, the lines generated by those unintelligible words are geometrically significant to Joseph’s resting place. The words are also significant by combination with other pertinent parts of the prophecy, not only in constructing the line, but by describing who and what was in the tomb and the outcome of its discovery.

Now, if we can accept all the previous, then we must allow the significance of a search at Montacute by Henry Blois…. understanding that he was aware of the ‘carefully hidden’ clue extant in his day. The reason we may assume that Father Good’s information was originally a key to Melkin’s line is that if Melkin had wanted to establish the location of Avalon (Ineswitrin) plainly, he would have given us the details of its location and not gone to the effort of inventing the puzzle and secreting the geographical location. After all, it is the pointer by which Melkin ‘carefully’ confirms where Joseph is ‘hidden’, but not where he is buried. The prophecy does that once it is unscrambled.

Even though we are told in DA that Joseph ‘ended his life’ at Glastonbury and by implication was buried there and it is obviously not true, we should look firstly at who invented the word Avalon and secondly who went to great efforts to convert Avalon into a location at Glastonbury.  This is consciously done by a real intelligent mind and it was not done by a fictitious ‘Geoffrey’. Once we know who fabricated the false evidences, it is easy to work out that if Joseph is really on Burgh Island (or more correctly Ineswitrin) and the location provided in the prophecy is true and correct at the uncovering of the sepulchre on Burgh Island; we can only conclude that it is the same man who substituted his invented name of Avalon on the prophecy of Melkin. In effect to convince others that Joseph would be fictitiously located at Glastonbury also along with Arthur. Now, where this becomes relevant to Robert de Boron ‘foresight’ in connecting Joseph with Glastonbury we will get to later, but be assured Robert is not aligning ‘convergent factors’ when he knows of the Vaus d’Avaron.

Henry Blois started a tradition of fraudulent misrepresentation of Avalon as being identical or correspondent with Glastonbury and hence the outcome is that Joseph’s sepulchre changes locations from a realistic location to an invented location i.e. to where the tomb does not exist. How bizarre it would be if we believed Henry’s propaganda that in Arthur’s time (and the King of Devon’s time), Glastonbury had two previous names for the same place in the same era. We showed earlier that Glastonbury has always had that name or something phonetically similar. Ineswitrin is in Devon and the island of Avalon was never heard of before the arrival of First Variant HRB. Henry Blois’ fantasy name based on a town in the region of Blois is as fictitious as Arthur’s island in HRB just as fictitious as Arthur’s battle at Autun.

The Glastonbury monks chose to ignore the rest of the instructional input such as centum et quatuor, sperulatis, sperulis and tredecim as no commonality with the site at Glastonbury could be found even though these are integral in determining the site at Burgh Island. However, as we have covered, if we accept the monastery existed on Burgh Island where the present-day hotel now stands…. Joseph ‘lies in a bifurcated line next to an angled meridian in a pre-prepared cave with an oratori above where one prays; at the verge.’

Henry is mindful of discovery as it would become too obvious that Grail literature and its association with Joseph is based upon the prophecy of Melkin and his duo fassula. As Henry propagated his French Grail literature in the courts of France and Champagne the same propaganda about Joseph and the Grail was being propagated in England in the Perlesvaus.

Joseph of Arimathea began to be established in lore at Glastonbury only through what was written in DA and his prominence became greater as the connections between French Grail literature were associated with Glastonbury after Henry’s death. The joining of the dots became more connected after Arthur’s disinterment and by the ‘Leaden cross’ confirming to the world that Glastonbury was Avalon and Geoffrey’s story’s of Arthur appeared to be true.

This is not to say that Avalon or Joseph or Arthur arrived at Glastonbury by a ‘fortuitous convergence of factors’, but by intelligent conscious design from the mind of one man and we can trace the seedling of this design back to 1157 in VM’s Insula Pomorum. However, this ‘convergence of factors’ came together after Henry’s death. An accomplishment in rewriting History greater than Cicero’s; and so much more timeless, colourful and enduring; we are all still trying to find answers today.

As we know, the Joseph connection was tentative because it was so recently established at Glastonbury in DA after Henry’s death, but did not get its confirmation from Robert de Boron’s work and from a Glastonbury Perlesvaus until the point of critical mass came at Arthur’s disinterment.

  The original Perlesvaus of which we only have portions is undoubtedly from Henry’s mind.  What has confused scholars into thinking Joseph was a later development of Glastonbury lore is the complete overshadowing of him by Arthur. Joseph’s legend developed at a much slower pace because of the prominence of the discovery of Arthur at Glastonbury and don’t forget the chivalric Arthur story had been in the public domain since c1139 while Joseph lore was quietly waiting to be exposed after 1171.

The fact that Joseph is said to be on Avalon through the Melkin prophecy and Arthur happened to be also found on that island is anything but coincidence. Especially, when we know Henry is in reality ‘Geoffrey’, the inventor of the chivalric Arthur…. and continental Grail literature links them both with an island supposedly spoken of by Melkin whose work was found at Glastonbury. The ‘Grail’ object is linked with Arthur by Chrétien…. and Joseph is linked with Arthur and the Grail through Robert de Boron; and even to ‘Avaron in the West’.  Arthur and Joseph then link to Henry and Melkin at Glastonbury, not through coincidence, but by the design of Master Blihis, Blaise, and Bliho Bleheris and Bledhericus…. all four are linked as being an authority or source for the Grail or recording stories about it.

Henry Blois, a patron of Giraldus Cambrensis463 is part of the reason why Gerald takes such an interest in the disinterment at Glastonbury…. as it is probable that Henry indoctrinated Gerald on Arthuriana before his death. Gerald does not mention Joseph, because his interest is solely in a Welsh Arthur and he was not a Glastonbury acolyte; but he had read DA before the unearthing of Arthur. We should not ignore Gerald’s testimony given his proximity to Henry II.464 We shall look at Gerald’s testimony shortly.

463David Knowles. Saints and Scholars.p.55

464See chapter on Gerald of Wales.

Adam of Damerham, writing about a hundred years after Henry’s death, does not mention Joseph or concern himself with redundantly reiterating anything in DA, but takes his account forward from where DA left off. Adam (not by coincidence) starts his account at the death of Henry Blois. The last chapter of DA is 83 and it relates to Henry Blois. The fact Adam does not reiterate facts about Joseph is entirely different from mentioning Arthur’s disinterment; the events of which had not been recorded in DA.

Because of this fact, it is ridiculous of scholars to stand on the flimsy a priori which presumes bogus Joseph lore was only interpolated into DA after the disinterment of Arthur because Gerald nor Adam mention Joseph in their text; yet both of them comment on Arthur’s unveiling.

How could Henry comment in DA about the unveiling of Arthur? He just left to posterity the location where he had prepared a tomb to excite the world on its discovery and confirm his invention of a Chivalric Arthur by putting a leaden cross within…. and the rest becomes history.

Another hundred years later (after Adam) the Joseph legend is fully established and consolidated by John of Glastonbury. He reiterates much of Henry’s lore found in the DA and from other Glastonbury sources which undoubtedly came from Henry Blois such as Perlesvaus and the suspected work of Melkin about ‘Arthur and the Round table’ we discussed earlier.

John of Glastonbury’s extract is directly from Henry’s interpolations in DA:

No other human hands made the church of Glastonbury, but Christ’s disciples founded and built it by angelic doctrine; an unattractive structure, certainly, but, adorned by God with manifold virtue; the high priest of the heavens himself, the maker and Redeemer of humankind, our Lord Jesus Christ, in his true presence dedicated it to himself and his most holy mother. On account of its antiquity the English called this church, the ‘ealdechirche’, which is ‘the old church’, and it is quite evident that the men of that region hold no oath more sacred or binding than one on the Old Church and they shun nothing through fear of punishment for their crime more than perjury. Glastonbury originally built of wattles, is first and eldest of all churches in England. From it the strength of divine sanctity gave forth its scent from the very outset and breathed upon the whole land; and though it was made of unsightly material, it was nevertheless esteemed greatly in worshipful reverence.

What John says in his Cronica is fairly irrelevant to our investigation in that Henry Blois’ propaganda is established and believed as genuine lore in his era. Especially, since William of Malmesbury has been dead two hundred years and he is supposedly the fount for this material. JG mixes other sources which one can only imagine were extant at the time John wrote and have now disappeared. John innocently included more of Henry’s propaganda in reference to such personages as Arviragus and Phagan and Deruvian from HRB (all fabrications) which has duped scholars into believing a genuine history.

John in his Cronica repeats and embellishes Henry’s ‘pig’ concoction found in DA and repeats Henry’s derivation of the island of apples through avalla (in British), etymologically leading to Avalon being synonymous with Glastonbury. This is clearly part of Henry’s conversion from a geographically location-less Avalon in HRB…. through clever contortion in VM associating Arthur’s last known location which thus identifies Insula Pomorum’s synonymy with Avalon, which, in DA, is so named for the scarcity of apples (we would not want to be seen concurring with VM) rather than in John’s Cronica where the island is named for its abundance.

In the DA we find: This island was at first called Yniswitrin by the Britons but at length was named by the English, who had brought the land under their yoke, Glastinbiry, either a translation into their language of its previous name, or after Glasteing of whom we spoke above. It is also frequently called the isle of Avalon, a name of which this is the origin. It was mentioned above that Glasteing found his sow under an apple tree near the church. Because he discovered on his arrival that apples were very rare in that region he named the island Avallonie in his own language, that is ‘Apple Island’, for avalla in British is the same as poma in Latin. Or it was named after a certain Avalloc who is said to have lived there with his daughters because of the solitude of the spot.

We can also tell Henry’s hand in DA as he confirms Glastonbury is Avalon by providing another derivation of the name Avallon through a certain Avalloc. The advantage of this is that like the VM, where Morgen and her sisters lived (Insula Pomorum)…. in the DA we have Avalloc’s daughters to conflate with them, providing convincing evidence that Glastonbury, Avalon and Insula Pomorum are all the same place.

The devise, as usual, is Henry’s clever conflation; never explicit but rather letting the reader (or posterity) join the dots of Henry’s propagandist trail. While carrying out his contortion in VM, Henry also adds further confusion, mystery and antiquity to his Insula Pomorum by introducing synonymy with the Fortunate Isle or isles, which were in antiquity mentioned by Plutarch, Ptolemy and Pliny.

Henry’s agenda is to bring HRB’s Avalon to Glastonbury in VM: The Island of Apples gets its name ‘The Fortunate Island’ from the fact that it produces all manner of plants spontaneously. It needs no farmers to plough the fields. There is no cultivation of the land at all beyond that which is Nature’s work. It produces crops in abundance and grapes without help; and apple trees spring up from the short grass in its woods. All plants, not merely grass alone, grows spontaneously; and men live a hundred years or more. There nine sisters rule by a pleasing set of laws those who come to them from our country.  She who is first of them is more skilled in the healing art, and excels her sisters in the beauty of her person.  Morgen is her name, and she has learned what useful properties all the herbs contain, so that she can cure sick bodies………. Thither after the battle of Camlan we took the wounded Arthur, guided by Barinthus to whom the waters and the stars of heaven were well known.  With him steering the ship we arrived there with the prince, and Morgen received us with fitting honour, and in her chamber she placed the King on a golden bed…………

‘Geoffrey’ wrote Insula Pomorum quae Fortunata uocatur and the only reason apart from conflation with earlier accounts of the island is that Fortunata is a foretelling of one’s destiny and since all this is originally linked to Melkin’s Island, it may well have been included so that the reader believes Joseph was buried there too.  This lends itself to the understanding that great things were predicted to occur there and so is contrived to seem associated with the island where Joseph was buried. John of Glastonbury is really the consolidator of Henry’s propaganda template through information found in DA at Glastonbury which combines the apples connecting them to the old Church and Yniswitrin rather than through an Arthur association with either Avalon or Insula Pomorum:

This Glasteing (a person) pursued his sow through the territory inland of the Angles near the village called ‘Escebtiorne’ all the way to Wells, and from wells by a trackless and watery path which is now called the ‘Sugewey’, that is ‘the sow’s way’. He found her suckling her piglets next to the Old Church on the aforesaid island, beneath a fruit tree; hence it continues down to our own day that the fruit of that tree are called ‘ealdechirchiness-apple’, that is ’apples of the old church’. This Glasteing, then, after he had entered the island, saw that it was rich in all manner of good things and came to live on it with his whole family. And since at the first, he found apples of the most precious sort in those parts, he called it the ‘Island of Avalon’ in his own tongue, that is ‘island of apples’, and he spent his life there and from his family and progeny, who succeeded him that place was originally populated. Finally, the Saxons who conquered it called the land ‘Glastonbury’ in their own tongue, by translation of the former name, that is ‘Ynswytryn’; for in English or Saxon ‘glas’ means ‘glass’ and ‘bury’ means city.

John of Glastonbury has a copy of the fragment known as the prophecy of Melkin on which Henry Blois changed Ineswitrin and inserted Avalon. What else John has in his possession as source material is unsure, but he has surely seen Henry’s original Perlesvaus a copy of which was probably left at Glastonbury along with material resembling that found in vulgate prose Percival. I would hazard to suggest that the Gospel of Nicodemus, an extension or derivative of the earlier acts of Pilate was composed by Henry Blois. The Gospel of Nicodemus seemed to surface around the time that Henry of Blois was composing Grail literature and certainly it is used as part of ‘Robert De Boron’s’ Joseph d’Arimathie and also included by John of Glastonbury to consolidate the Joseph tradition at Glastonbury.

John of Glastonbury starts his treaties of St. Joseph of Arimathea, which he claims are taken from a book which the Emperor Theodosius found in Pontius Pilate’s council chamber in Jerusalem…. which only Henry would have had the audacity to proffer as such a spurious provenance.

Below, he is quoted at length from a translation by David Townsend from Carley’s thesis study of John of Glastonbury’s Cronica: Matters which admit doubt often deceive the reader; in order to dispel doubts regarding the antiquity of the church of Glastonbury, therefore, we have added some undisputed facts gathered from the ancient sayings of historians.

When the Lord had been crucified and everything had been fulfilled, which had been prophesied of him, Joseph of Arimathea, that noble Decurion, came to Pilate, as the gospel story explains, asked for the body of Jesus, wrapped it when he had received it in linen, and placed it in a monument in which no one had yet laid. But the Jews, hearing that Joseph had buried the body of Jesus, sought to arrest him, along with Nicodemus and the others who had defended him before Pilate. When they had all hidden themselves, these two-that is Joseph and Nicodemus, revealed themselves and asked the Jews,’ why are you aggrieved against us because we have buried the body of Jesus? You have not done well against a righteous man, nor have you considered what benefits he bestowed upon us; instead you have crucified him and wounded him with a lance’. When the Jews heard these words, Annas and Ciaphas seized Joseph, shut him up in a cell where there was no window, sealed the door over the key, and posted guards to watch over him. But Nicodemus they sent away free, since Joseph alone had requested Jesus’ body and had been the principal instigator in his burial. Later, when everyone had assembled, all through the Sabbath they considered, along with the priests and Levites how they should kill Joseph. After the assembly had gathered, the chief officials ordered, Annas and Ciaphas to present Joseph; but when they opened the seals on the door they did not find him. Scouts were sent out everywhere, and so Joseph was found in his own city, Arimathea. Hearing this, the chief priests and all the people of the Jews rejoiced and glorified the God of Israel because Joseph had been found whom they had shut up in a cell. They then made a great assembly, at which the chief of the priests said, ’how can we bring Joseph to us and speak with him?’ They took up a piece of parchment and wrote to Joseph, saying,’ peace be with you and yours. We see that we have sinned against God and against you. Deign therefore, to come to your fathers and your sons, for we have marvelled greatly over your assumption. Indeed, we know that we have plotted evil counsel against you, and the Lord has freed you from our evil council. Peace to you, Lord Joseph, honourable among all the people’. And they chose seven men who were friends of Joseph and said to them, ’When you reach Joseph, greet him in peace and give him this letter.’ When the men had reached him, they greeted him peaceably and gave him the letter. Joseph read the letter and said, ’Blessed are you, O Lord my God, who have liberated Israel, that he should not shed my blood. Blessed are you, O my God, who have protected me under your wings.’ And Joseph kissed the men who had come to him and took them into his house. The next day he climbed up on his ass and went with them until they came to Jerusalem; and when all the Jews heard of it, they ran to meet him, saying, ’Peace at your coming in, father.’ Joseph responded to them, saying, ’Peace be with you all.’ And they all kissed him, and Nicodemus received him into his house and made a banquet for him. The next day the Jews all came together, and Annas and Ciaphas said to Joseph, ’Make confession to the God of Israel, and reveal to us all that which you are asked. We quarrelled with you because you buried the body of Jesus and shut you up in a cell on account of the Sabbath; on the following day we sought you but did not find you. Therefore, we were greatly astonished, and fear has held us even up until now, when we have received you. Now that you are present, tell us before God, what happened to you’ .Joseph answered them, saying, ’When you shut me up at evening on the day of preparation, while I stood at my Sabbath prayers, the house in which I was held was taken up in the middle of the night by four angels, and I saw Jesus like a flash of light. I fell for fear onto the ground, but, holding my hand; he lifted me up from the ground and covered me with the scent of roses. As he wiped my face, he kissed me and said to me, “Do not fear, Joseph; look upon me and see who I am.” I looked at him and said, “Rabbi Elijah,” and he said to me, “I am not Elijah, but Jesus, whose body you buried.” Then I said to him, “Show me the monument where I lay you.” And taking my hand, he led me to the place where I buried him and showed me the linen shroud and the face cloth in which I had wrapped his head. Then I recognised that he was Jesus, and I adored him saying,’ “Blessed is he who comes in the name of the Lord.” Then, holding my hand, he led me into my house in Arimathea and said to me, “Peace be with you. Do not go out of your house until the 40th day. I shall go to my disciples.” And when he had said these things, he disappeared.’

After all this, the noble Joseph of Arimathea, animated by an ardent faith, became the disciple of blessed Philip the apostle, and, filled to overflowing with his saving doctrine, was baptised by him, along with his son Josephes. Later he was appointed guardian of the blessed ever virgin Mary by blessed John the apostle, while John himself laboured at preaching to the Ephesians: Joseph was present at the assumption of the same glorious virgin, along with blessed Philip and his other disciples, and he preached incessantly through many lands the things which he had heard and seen of the Lord Jesus Christ and his mother Mary; finally, converting and baptising many, in the 15th year after the blessed virgins assumption he came to Philip the apostle in Gaul, along with his son Josephes, whom the Lord had earlier consecrated Bishop in the city of Sarras. For when the disciples dispersed throughout the various parts of the world after the Lord’s Ascension; as Freculph bears witness in his second book, in the fourth chapter; Philip came to the Kingdom of the Franks to preach, and he converted and baptised many into the faith of Christ. Since then, the holy apostle wished to spread the word of God, he sent twelve of his disciples to Britain to proclaim the good news of the Word of Life; over these he set his dear friend, the aforesaid Joseph, who buried the Lord, along with his son Josephes. More than 600 came with them, as is read in the book, called ‘the holy Grail’ (Sanctum Graal), men as well as women, all of whom vowed that they would abstain from their own spouses until they had come into the land appointed to them. They all made a sham of their oath however, except for 150, whom at the Lord’s command crossed the sea upon Josephes’ shirt on Easter night and landed in the morning. The others repented, and through Josephes’ prayers on their behalf, a ship was sent by the Lord which King Solomon had artfully constructed in his time and which endured all the way to the time of Christ. That same day, they and the Duke of the Persians named Nasciens reached their companions; Joseph had earlier baptised Nasciens in the city of Sarras, along with the King of the city, whose name was Mordrain. The Lord later appeared to Mordrain in a vision and showed him his pierced hands and feet and his side wounded by the lance. Taking great pity upon him, the King said,’ O Lord my God, who has dared to do such a thing to you? ’And the Lord answered,’ the faithless King of North Wales has done these things to me, and he who has bound in prison, my servant Joseph and his companions, who were preaching my name, in his territories, and who has inhumanely denied them necessary sustenance. You then, do not delay but hasten to those parts, girded with your sword, to avenge my servants upon the tyrant and free them from their chains.’

The King, then awoke and rejoiced in the Lord because of the vision revealed to him, made disposition of the house and Kingdom, began his journey with his army and coming to the place by God’s guidance, commanded the aforesaid King to permit God’s servants to depart freely. But the Welsh King, altogether refusing the command, indignantly ordered him to leave his land without delay. When King Mordrain had heard this, he and the aforesaid Duke Nasciens came against him with their army, and Nasciens killed the Welsh King in a battle of just vengeance. Then King Mordrain went to the prison where the wicked King held Joseph and his companions under arrest, led him thence in great joy, and told him the vision which the Lord had revealed to him in order to free them. Then all were filled with great joy and thanked the Lord mightily.

After this Saint Joseph and his son Josephes and their 10 companions travelled through Britain, where King Arviragus then reigned, in the 63rd year from the Lord’s incarnation, and they trustworthily preached the faith of Christ. But the barbarian King and his nation, when they heard doctrines so new and unusual, did not wish to exchange their ancestral traditions for better ways and refused consent to their preaching. Since however they had come from afar, and because of their evident modesty of life, Arviragus gave them for a dwelling an island at the edge of his Kingdom surrounded with forests, thickets and swamps, which was called by the inhabitants Ynswytryn, that is ’the Glass island’. Of this a poet has said, ‘The twelvefold band of men entered Avalon: Joseph, flower of Arimathea, is their chief. Josephes, Joseph’s son, accompanies his father. The right to Glastonbury is held by these and the other ten.’ When the saints then, had lived in that desert for a short time, the Archangel Gabriel admonished them in a vision to build a church in honour of the holy Mother of God, the ever virgin Mary, in that place which heaven would show them. Obeying the divine admonitions, they finished a Chapel, the circuit of whose walls they completed with wattles, in the 31st year after the Lord’s passion, the fifteenth, as was noted, after the assumption of the glorious Virgin, and the same year in fact, in which they had come to St Philip the apostle in Gaul and had been sent by him to Britain. Though it was of unsightly construction, it was adorned with the manifold power of God; and, since it was the first church in the land, the son of God distinguished it by a fuller dignity, dedicating it in his own presence in honour of his mother. And so these 12 saints offered there, devout service to God and the blessed virgin, freeing themselves up for fasting and prayers; and, in their necessities they were revived by the assistance of the Virgin Mother of God. When the holiness of their lives was discovered, two of the Kings, though pagans, Marius, the son of King Arviragus, and Coel, son of Marius, granted them each a hide of land and at the same time confirmed the gift. Thus, to this day, the 12 hides take their names from them. When a few years had passed, these saints were led forth from the workhouse of the body. Arthur was buried among those men and Joseph and positioned on a bifurcated line next to the oratory mentioned before. Consequently, he occupies the same place that was the lair of wild beasts, which formerly was the dwelling place of saints, until it pleased the Blessed Virgin to restore to her oratory as a monument of the faithful.

John of Glastonbury writing c.1400 has consolidated what seemingly was William of Malmesbury’s work. It is comprised from William’s interpolated work by Henry, Henry’s Grail literature and other work put out by Henry.  We know Arviragus is a concoction of Henry’s in HRB and since there is no mention of Arviragus in DA it is no doubt to hide his authorship of the interpolations in DA. Yet John of Glastonbury starts his work with Arviragus so we can absolutely be sure (knowing that Arviragus is a Henry invention in HRB) that John is being supplied other lore than that found in DA connecting Arviragus to Glastonbury…. and this must be part of Henry’s output which has since disappeared.

Joseph’s relics had not been found. John says he lies on a bifurcated line next to the Oratory. John of Glastonbury does not speak as if he had invented an overly complicated prophecy and utilised but one piece from it.  He speaks like a man who only understood a part of what he had read from a prophecy. This is a vague recycled description for someone who is posited to have gone to the trouble of inventing an otherwise meaningless prophecy; especially when his extract seems to ignore his other efforts mentioning Sperula and random numbers and Abbadare in the rest of the prophecy composition.

If the Melkin prophecy had no validity it is surely being underutilised if designed specifically to bolster Joseph lore at Glastonbury. If the Melkin prophecy was not just another piece of information in the mass of Glastonbury lore that John is consolidating he makes little use of his capital considering the Melkin Prophecy’s sole purpose was to locate Joseph’s burial place and association with Glastonbury. When will modern scholars wake up?

Eusebius of Caesarea c. 325 knows nothing of the Gospel of Nicodemus although he was aware of “Letters of Pilate” referred to by Justin and Tertullian. He was also aware of an anti-Christian text called Acts of Pilate not the same as the present-day text. It seems as if the letters of Pilate or the acts were used as a base for the epic known as the Gospel of Nicodemus.

The Gospel of Nicodemus is unique in that it mentions the soldier who speared Jesus on the cross called Longinus and the names of the two criminals who were crucified beside him. Many others are mentioned also just as Henry was at ease concocting characters in HRB. This to me has the hall mark of Henry Blois, who, as we saw in HRB, has no qualms inventing history or supplying names not previously heard, and apportioning to them pivotal roles in history. The Gospel of Nicodemus also is written by a man who has a good grasp of the issues concerning Pilate’s importunity and who is not afraid to concoct as a truth his own eschatological conclusions on Adam (the first spiritual man) and Hell and other biblical icons found in GS. Our author also has a good grasp of storytelling and is well acquainted with the bible.

He makes bold statements such as: And all these things which were spoken by the Jews in their synagogue did Joseph and Nicodemus forthwith declare unto the governor. And Pilate himself wrote all the things that were done and said concerning Jesus by the Jews.

Henry has a knack of supplying the provenance of the work and then suggesting in the story how it came to be. No-one refers to the Gospel of Nicodemus before Medieval times. It seems to be an accretion of previous works or work. Its object in the main, originally, was to furnish irrefutable testimony to the resurrection but the Nicodemus version has much to say about Joseph’s role after the crucifixion…. and we can conjecture that a version which features Joseph so prominently may be by the hand of Henry. Whether or not Henry wrote it, is not important. But Robert de Boron has without doubt derived his story from Henry Blois or had certainly seen it in a book composed by Henry Blois or heard it at some continental court from Henry. It is not a coincidence that a medieval manuscript appears concerning Joseph of Arimathea i.e. the Gospel of Nicodemus from which Robert draws upon in Joseph d’Arimathie? This glorifies and corroborates episodes in the Gospel of Nicodemus.

Let the reader put themselves in Henry’s shoes. Henry comes across an old tract implying Joseph of Arimathea has a sepulchre on an island. He is at Glastonbury and the island is named as Ynis witrin, so it is in Briton. You find a charter dated 601 on which the same name of Yniswitrin is found. You have no idea where the island is. Firstly, you use the charter to establish Glastonbury’s antiquity. Malmesbury has no idea where this supposed island is either so dismisses the bastardized Latin prophecy because neither he nor Henry could make head or tail of all the meaningless word strings Malmesbury thinks it best just use the charter because one can see it is genuine by its age. Only after Malmesbury dies, it is fortuitous for Henry to have this old charter seem to apply to Glastonbury; so he adds etymological hodge podge to Life of Gildas which he had already written putting his Arthur with Gildas; again for proof of Glastonbury’s antiquity.  Henry might as well corroborate/celebrate the recent Life of Gildas story by engaging stone masons while passing through Modena.

Joseph has no provenance in Briton apart from the fables spoken of by the Cornish and rumour of Joseph’s visits as a tin miner.

Augustine’s lot of Catholic Romans probably stamped out any tradition of Joseph in Britain so their monopoly and primacy through Peter would not be diluted by Joseph who arrived in Briton.

Later c.1160-70 Henry has started this whole Joseph, Grail, Arthur, Avalon juggernaut in motion by inventing stories and entertaining his family in Champagne with them. Henry now needs to attach Joseph’s provenance to Glastonbury so that he can consolidate the last interpolations in DA. What better way than to attach Joseph to Briton than by what JG has just informed us above? Where do you think JG found the bulk of his source material; from which mind?

Matthew Paris c.1200-1259 better known as Matthew Westminster who wrote the Flores Historiarum has possibly the first précis of Melkin’s prophecy written in the margin. In Archbishop Usher’s ‘Britannicarum Ecclesiarum Antiquitates’ he provides us with the variant of Melkin’s prophecy, which cannot be dated as it is not in the main body of text, but it does however plainly show the prophecy’s evolution. There is no geometric numerical data included (i.e. the thirteen sperulatis and the 104 milles) because, as with modern scholarship, the relevance of the numbers were not understood:

‘Joseph ab Arimathea nobilis decurio in insula Avallonia cum xi. Sociis suis somnum cepit perpetuum et jacet in meridiano angulo lineae bifurcate Oratorii Adorandae Virginis. Habit enim secum duo vascula argentea alba cruore et sudore magni prophetae Jesu perimpleta.et per multum tempus ante diem Judicii ejus corpus integrum et illibatum reperietur; et erit apertum toti Orbi terranum. Tunc nec ros nec pluvial habitantibus insulam nobilissimam poterit deficere’.

‘Joseph of Arimathea, the noble decurion, received his everlasting rest with his eleven associates in the Isle of Avalon. He lies in the southern angle of the bifurcated line of the Oratorium of the Adorable Virgin. He has with him the two white vessels of silver which were filled with the blood and the sweat of the great prophet Jesus. And for a long time before the day of judgement, his body will be discovered whole and undisturbed; and will be opened to the whole world. At that time neither dew, nor rain, will lack from that noble island’.

What I have tried to make plain is that from a very early time Melkin’s prophecy existed and no-one understood what it meant or its relevance to Glastonbury.

“Nobilis decurio” is St. Jerome’s translation in the Vulgate of St. Mark’s “honourable counsellor”. Rabanus Maurus 776–856 (the archbishop of Mainz), in ‘The Life of St. Mary Magdalene’ uses the same appellation along with Helinand. Some commentators assume Joseph was a member of a provincial Roman Senate as ‘decurions’ are reported as being in charge of mining districts.

The Glastonbury propaganda machine has never been able to find any resolution or use for Melkin’s tredicim or the word sperula from the prophecy, but the 104 was made to apply to other saints interred at Glastonbury. The linea bifurcata, the oratorii, the cratibus and the adorandam virginem were the only pieces of the prophecy which could actively be used in conjunction with the old church as we witness here in an extract from Dugdale’s Monasticon Anglicanum:“Here St. Joseph, who is considered by the monkish historians as the first abbot, erected, to the honour of the Virgin Mary, of wreathed twigs, the first Christian oratory in England.”

In Dugdale’s Monasticon Anglicanum c.1650 the tradition which Henry started is now no longer a part of his propagandist edifice it is now the truth that everyone accepts: The ancient church of wood or wicker, which legend spoke of as the first temple reared on British soil to the honour of Christ, was preserved as a hallowed relic, even after a greater church of stone was built by Dunstan to the east of it. And though not a fragment of either of those buildings still remains, yet each alike is represented in the peculiar arrangements of that mighty and now fallen minster. The wooden church of the Briton is represented by the famous Lady Chapel, better known as the chapel of Saint Joseph; the stone church of the West-Saxon is represented by the vast Abbey church itself. Nowhere else can we see the works of the conquerors and the works of the conquered thus standing, though but in a figure, side by side. Wherein is proved by all kinds of testimonies, and authorities, that for certain, S. Joseph of Aramathia, “with divers other holy Associates, came into, preached, lived, dyed, and was buryed in Britayne, at the place now called Glastenbury in Summersetshire.”

The Bishop of Winchester was too clever to reveal that he is the link between Glastonburyana and French Grail material being propagated at the court of Champagne. The DA, originally written by William of Malmesbury around 1129-1134, only had Joseph and Avalon interpolated into it sometime in the 1160’s while Henry propagated Grail lore through Master Blihis, which we now know found fruition in Robert, Chrétien and Walter Map.

The commonalities of such incidents as the ‘chapel ride’ episode, found in Perlesvaus and Chrétien, indicate that stories concerning the Grail all originated from one source and probably from Henry as the oral source on the continent. Perlesvaus, the Lais of Marie and Walter Map’s work along with Chrétien de Troyes, and Robert de Boron’s work having icons and personages in common as early as 1170 indicates that just before that era Master Blihis had been busy.

  Nitze establishes that John of Glastonbury’s version of the chapel ride account did not come from Perlesvaus yet funnily enough believes what is written in the colophon about there being a Latin original. Since Perlesvaus is obviously written by someone acquainted with Glastonbury it does not take a scholar to work out who the originator is. Ironically, Carley states that what the contents of that Latin original might have contained has caused much speculation among Grail scholars; one particular alluring theory is that this book might also be the source for John’s material about Melkin.465

465Carley. The chronicle of Glastonbury abbey. P xliv

Eadmer’s letter

The dispute between Canterbury and Glastonbury over the relics of St Dunstan.

We have arrived at this point demonstrating Henry Blois to be the author of several tracts concerning Glastonbury lore. The letter written to the Glastonbury monks by Eadmer indicates at what an early stage Henry Blois can be implicated in disseminating falsities. If we can read between the lines and understand the motives, the letter corroborates what I have maintained through this discourse about Henry’s ability to fabricate. Henry Blois is a fabricator…. a person who has no qualms about bending the truth to suit an end. Henry Blois is internally, vainly imperious, but ostensibly portrays an exterior of an educated and outwardly balanced man who eventually fostered a persona of ‘venerable patron’ of the church.

In his early days before the Machiavellian usurpation of the crown by his brother King Stephen, Henry is presented as humble monk with time for the common man as William of Malmesbury portrays him in the prologue to DA in the early stages of his career. It probably only took until 1135 until William of Malmesbury fully understood Henry’s true nature. By this time the nonsense of this dispute over Dunstan’s relics had probably passed, as its main instigator had moved on to greater ambitions and more fantastic fabrications.

I hope to show the reader that Eadmer’s ire in his letter written to Glastonbury Monks is aimed at the young Henry Blois. Also, that William of Malmesbury’s strange stance on lambasting Osbern’s work is on account of the pressure brought to bear by Henry Blois, who had instigated the rumour concerning Dunstan’s translation from Canterbury. William, in Henry’s employ and ensconced at Glastonbury, most probably knew that it was the young enterprising abbot who had put about such rumours, but being a mere historian could in no way implicate the new abbot and nephew of King Henry I.

The earliest and only written concocted Glastonbury account of how the abbey came to possess the body of St Dunstan is written in the interpolated first 34 chapters of DA.  Eadmer does not imply that the events of St Dunstan’s translation to Glastonbury is written down anywhere. We can grasp fully the original account of Glastonbury’s pretensions and the details of the concocted legend through Eadmer’s refutation of the Glastonbury claim.   In fact, Eadmer implies the spreading of the Dunstan rumour is verbal and he had never heard that anyone who was there at the time has ever said or written anything concerning these matters which you have put about… Not a single word, spoken or written, that any sane man could accept………..Have you, pray, any writings to prove matters stood thus?

Sir Archibald Campbell Lawrie466 claims Eadmer died in 1123 on the 13th, January. There is no definitive evidence for this and most commentators put Eadmer’s death at 1126 at the earliest and more probably afterward as we shall see. However, no-one to my knowledge has answered sufficiently why this rumour suddenly appeared which spurred Eadmer’s sarcastic refutation by correspondence to the Glastonbury monks. This letter to the Glastonbury monks in occasional indirect references infers that Henry Blois could be the abbot at the time when the letter was written. So (if I am correct in this analysis) Eadmer must have lived after 1126, the year Henry Blois joined the abbey of Glastonbury.

466Early Scottish Charters, prior to 1153. Sir Archibald Campbell Lawrie. Glasgow, 1910, Published by James Maclehose and Sons, Glasgow, 1905, p 291   

My proposition is that the person who established the rumour of Dunstan’s relics at Glastonbury in his early life then provided the only written account of the Glastonbury concoction by interpolating William of Malmesbury’s DA i.e. Henry Blois. This has not been posited before because it has always been assumed that an interpolator after the fire at Glastonbury is responsible for the insertion in DA.

However, we know of the existence of another interpolator who added to DA after Henry Blois had inserted his final interpolations which constitute chapters 1 and 2 of DA. This consolidator may or may not be responsible for the T version of DA, but what is a certainty is that the amount that the consolidator achieves is far less than Scott accounts to his efforts.

Scott, our present authority on DA is unaware of the interpolations of Henry Blois and concludes a much later coalescing of DA. I would say that an intermediary consolidator after Henry’s death (or even another redactor before the scribe of T) has expanded upon Henry’s initial interpolations in DA. Certainly at least one interpolator writes after the fire in 1184.

The legend of the translation of Dunstan would be easier to maintain or concoct after the fire if there were initial evidence backing up the claim supposedly written by ‘William of Mamesbury’. One would then only have to ‘re-find’ the grave site as the later redactor of DA achieves in the post 1184 account of the Dunstan exhumation which constitute chapters 24 and 25 of DA.

There are many reasons for positing Henry’s involvement in propagating the translation rumour. Let us see if the evidence drawn from not only William of Malmesbury but from the narrative of Eadmer’s letter implicates Henry Blois.

Eadmer admired William of Malmesbury and knew him as a friend.  William’s obvious avoidance of this Dunstan translation story rather than its inclusion or rebuttal in his own unadulterated VD, tells us that he was aware of the story. It should be clear that William’s refusal to compromise his integrity by going along with the rumoured Dunstan translation from Canterbury was the main impetus (alongside the abbey’s proof of antiquity) for being commissioned to write DA.

This is made plain in the prologue of DA. William refers to the ‘original plan’ which was to counter the most consequential of Osbern’s errors; which stated that Dunstan was the first Abbot at Glastonbury. There is no doubt that the Glastonbury church stood long before Augustine’s arrival and William makes this plain in the prologue to VD I: In fact, Glastonbury passed under the sway of the church long before St Patrick, who died in AD 472, while Dunstan saw the light of day in AD 925. Incidentally, there is no indication that William’s VD I or II were interpolated.

So, the ‘original plan’ or intent mentioned in the prologue of DA was not only to counteract Osbern’s inaccuracy, but also to show that by merit of age, Glastonbury had greater cause for celebration and respect. Age generally established primacy in church rank but because Augustine was a Roman envoy, Canterbury was conferred with that honour.  This was obviously an ongoing dispute over time when Henry arrived at Glastobury and involved nearly every religious house as age of establishment defined the ecclesiastical pecking order.  Anyway, William’s curious snipes at Osbern’s work in the two prologues to VD in conjunction with certain statements in the prologue to DA indicate that there was some political manoeuvrings going on. I believe the cause of most of it is in deference to Henry Blois.

Henry Blois arrived at Glastonbury in 1126. He may have arrived back in England with his uncle from Normandy after settling differences with the princes of France. Huntingdon has King Henry’s return date at September 1126, when he was accompanied back to England by the recently widowed Empress Matilda.

I envisage a young abbot, around 25 years of age, eager to impress his uncle by contributing knight’s service and funds to the royal coffers, sorting out Glastonbury abbey which once had been a very rich institution at the time of Doomsday. One choice of action would be to gain advantage of Glastonbury’s association with Dunstan, enhancing the visits to Glastonbury by pilgrims and increasing the alms they brought. Henry has a penchant for crosses and understands the power they have over Christians.

It seems by inference of the image of the redeemer, he sets one up at Glastonbury specifically relating to Dunstan as we can gather from Eadmer: If you listen to my advice, you will remove those bones which you have loaded onto the image of our Redeemer, before He is Himself angry with you. It is sufficient that He be honoured for Himself and there is no need to keep up holiness on Him through dead men’s bones or otherwise.

Henry attested in his own libellus that he set about regaining misappropriated lands after the previous bad practises by former abbots had diminished the abbey. He also re-gained lands previously belonging to Glastonbury which had been gifted in reward by his former relatives as past Kings such as King William. Henry capitalises on the known association of Dunstan at Glastonbury by claiming his relics rest there.

In my scenario, Henry puts about a story which adds credence to such a claim and an explanation of how the circumstances transpired that such a relic is fortuitously found at Glastonbury.  Author B’s account of the life of Dunstan relates his early saintly life at Glastonbury and certainly a Dunstan tradition existed at Glastonbury. All Henry did was capitalise on an asset through tradition. Eadmer in his letter makes it clear that when he himself visited Glastonbury, no translation myth existed. In fact, Eadmer states that Glastonbury monks were known to pay their respects to Dunstan at Canterbury only in the recent past.   

One of William of Malmesbury’s efforts being half Norman and half English was to preserve for posterity the deeds of the English saints.  Yet William definitely knew of this rumour and who had started it and for what reason. William of Malmesbury’s GR states: I have followed the true law of the historian, and have set down nothing but what I have learnt from trustworthy report or written source. Moreover, be that as it may, I have this private satisfaction, by God’s help, that I have set in order the unbroken cause of English history, and am since Bede the only man so to do, or at any rate the first. If anyone therefore as I already here suggested, has a mind to follow me in writing on this subject, let him give me the credit for the collection of the facts and make his own selection from the material.

William was already there at the abbey when Henry Blois arrived, having been employed by the Monks prior to Henry’s arrival to write the lives of Indract and Patrick (St Benignus was never written).467 It appears the monks had already approved (corrected) these lives prior to Henry’s arrival. It seems of little advantage except from someone who wishes to capitalise on Glastonbury’s association with Dunstan to engage another historian to write a biography/investigation into the life of Dunstan.  Author B, Adelard, Osbern, an old English author also and Eadmer himself had already re-ploughed Dunstan’s biographic field with little fresh to add without invention.

467As we shall cover shortly, this myth was created to establish St Patrick at Glastonbury rather than association relying on author B’s reference to Patrick.

My proposition is that Henry wanted William of Malmesbury to paint a version not from the angle which glorifies Canterbury’s association with Dunstan (as Osbern and Eadmer had done), but to provide a picture which implies a greater attachment by Dunstan as a ‘former pupil’ to Glastonbury. Diplomatically, Henry persuaded William to embark on the biography hoping that he would be convinced by ‘oral’ tradition at Glastonbury by implying that previous biographers had underperformed.  I suspect that Henry Blois was intending to plant evidence (concerning Dunstan) in the chest of papers from which William was to glean the information for DA.

However, Henry did not bank on William’s probity or William’s close acquaintance with Eadmer or Eadmer’s tenacity and assurance that Dunstan’s bones never left Canterbury.

In VD I in the prologue, William diplomatically states that the reason for writing (and William earning his next commission): Most holy Fathers, in the celebration of the love and honour of your most blessed father Dunstan our pious zeal strives to compete with the whole of England. And it may be that ours is the greater glory in this contest, seeing that we love as a former pupil one whom they look up to as a saint and an Archbishop. So it is that we can join love to our reverence yielding in neither to those of Canterbury, who boast that they once had him as their primate. Hence it has come about that, for all our diligence in looking out writings concerning his life, we are sad that they do not come up to your expectation. For we have found that the old lives lack polish, and the new reliability. So, we have reasonably enough been to that extent saddened: for rustic writings give no pleasure, and it is shaming to repeat things that lack of firm basis in truth. It is a misuse of learning and leisure to retail falsehoods about the doings of saints: it shows contempt for reputation and condemns one to infamy. I should be glad to be unaware that this fate has befallen a recent author of a life of the blessed Dunstan; he is often either mistaken in his views or biased in his judgement.

My deduction is that while Henry was putting these rumours about, that he wished to influence William so that William would attest St Dunstan’s translation as part of history. The tensions surrounding William’s unwillingness to co-operate are evident in the prologue to DA. What is not so clear is William’s change of attitude to Osbern’s work since completing GR1 in 1125. The attitude can only be the result of a recent development and it seems to be down to the arrival of the new abbot.

William had praised Osbern for his work as a hagiographer and liturgist in GR: I would gladly add more facts…. about this great man (Dunstan) but I am restrained by Osbern, precentor of Canterbury, who has written his life with Roman elegance, being second to none in our time as a stylist as well as leading the field without dispute in music.468

William’s unwillingness to substantiate what he knew to be untrue, had to be balanced with his ‘anxiety to win your favour’ and his way out of this diplomatic mess.  William, as confrater at Glastonbury, decided a course of action to mitigate this embarrassing situation and to distance his work on Dunstan from Eadmer by making almost no use of material from Eadmer’s life of Dunstan. In this way he did not contradict or diminish his friends work.  William in VD made no specific reference to it for this reason. But, contrarily, William ostensibly defends Glastonbury against Canterbury by using the deceased Osbern’s work as he pillories most of Osbern’s erroneous assertions in an attempt to appear on side with the Glastonbury monks. William saw this as a way out.  He could corroborate Glastonbury’s historical antiquity by seeming to counteract the false statements of the Canterbury precentor, without having to fully compromise his integrity by substantiating what he knew to be false.

This atandpoint of William’s is made plain in his accusation against Osbern concerning prophecy: But what he (Dunstan) foretold I do not presume to say, for I find nothing in old books. As I have said before, whoever claims to tell of the feats of saints, but goes beyond what has been written in the past, is surely of unsound mind.469

468GR chap 149.3

469VD ii 35.2

It was in Osbern’s work that the gross accusation of Glastonbury’s recent foundation was made which relates back to the primacy issue and pecking order of Clergy and religious houses.  William had misunderstood that he was expected not only to counter this false accusation (that Dunstan was the first abbot), but also to authenticate the Dunstan translation rumour started by Henry Blois. This initially was Henry Blois’ intention in commissioning VD.

William on the other hand had understood the ‘original plan’ was to write a better version of Dunstan’s life, while at the same time expounding upon the abbey’s antiquity. As soon as Henry Blois understood that William was not the person to embellish the rumour he himself had started, Henry and the Glastonbury monks commissioned DA which would show through the evidence of the 601 charter that by logic St Dunstan could not have been the first Abbot. William went on to finish his first commission demonstrating to his fellow monks he was vehemently against Osbern’s original slight of their abbey.

However, William’s reasons for writing VD1 are different from Henry’s because Henry could not explicitly ask William to propagate a fabrication: it was because you had taken offence at such mistakes (of Osbern) that you appealed to me to display the obedience our confraternity demands, and to give a new description of the saints doings, using (as it were) the press of my labours to remove the lees of untruth and strain out a purified version of the facts. So that I could do this with more assurance you showed me writings, both in Latin and in English, that you had found in an ancient chest of yours.470

Even though William had previous affiliation with Canterbury; Canterbury could hardly contradict the claim of antiquity as Glastonbury was in truth more ancient: It was an ancient place as I have said, going back well beyond his time; but though it owes its first foundation to earlier benefactors, it is indebted to Dunstan for its new pre-eminence.471

470These writings would certainly be the 601 charter which William commences his DA and also probably the prophecy of Melkin both of which mentioned Ineswitrin.

471VD ii 10.3

Just as a quick comment, to substantiate for the reader that the interpolations in the first 34 chapters of DA were fabricated…. if William had truly reached the conclusion of an apostolic foundation after his researches at Glastonbury (as is commonly thought by modern scholars), he would have stated it here…. as VD II is written after the main body of DA. The material which constitutes the first chapters in DA largely unadulterated but the first 34 chapters of DA are additions largely inserted by Henry Blois at different stages of his life and reflect the ‘agendas’ in his life.

So, William in effect, would not distress Canterbury as long as he did not state that Dunstan’s relics were at Glastonbury.  However, Henry was the proponent of the rumour and William came up short, not acquiescing to record falsities but instead recording as history what he knew was true. It is on these grounds DA was instigated after VD did not achieve the counteraction of Osbern’s claim.  The carping nature of William’s criticism against Osbern can only be understood as wishing to appear as angered as the rest of the institution within which he mixed and ate his bread at Glastonbury.

The accusations against Osbern were several, but above all was his assertion that Dunstan was Glastonbury’s first Abbot.  William took Osbern to task for exaggeration and his use of obviously concocted speech as if Dunstan had spoken what was quoted. William also set out to confound him on theological errors: How heinously the chanter of Canterbury went astray in relating the life of our father. For apart from a very few details in which he kept on the right track, there are very many others-almost all in fact-where he confused the order of miracles or strayed from the truth by diminishing or exaggerating events. In particular following the practice of the rhetoricians, he often attributed to speakers words which they might indeed have spoken in those circumstances-but who, I ask you, could have passed them on to our day with all accuracy? Scarcely, I repeat, scarcely has a slender report of events trickled through to us; far less could I believe that words; which flew away the moment they were spoken, could have been held on to. There is nothing of the sort in the old writers following whose account I have on your instructions roll back the miracles to their proper order and corrected the details of events. I have added what is lacking, and cut out what is superfluous. But I’m afraid it will be difficult to gain pardon for this remark from the ill-disposed even though-to quote the opinion of a great orator472 -I should not be afraid to be called arrogant when I’m speaking the truth.473

If William really thought that there was any truth in the rumour that Dunstan’s body lay at Glastonbury, he would have said so. William’s only way out of this compromising situation as Winterbottom and Thompson suggest, was to propose a third book on Dunstan’s posthumous miracles. But for obvious reasons this never got written: … but a few things that have been preserved in writing will claim a place in the following book.474

The question is: does the chronology and scenario fit the statements made in the three prologues of VD 1&2 and DA? Do the set of events correspond as I have set them out above? Do they coincide as a reaction not only to Osborne but also take into account William’s reticence to mention the ‘Elephant in the room’?

It seems fair to assume in 1127-8, it is hoped William can be brought on-board to express the view of the current newly invented Glastonbury polemic that Dunstan was translated at the time of the Danish incursion from Canterbury to Glastonbury. This does not happen for reasons explained above concerning William’s integrity.  While William of Malmesbury was writing VD 1, it is realised by Henry Blois that William is not going to be cajoled, therefore, DA is envisaged as a compromise to overcome William’s moral rectitude in refusing to accept the translation rumour and yet confute Osbern’s accusation.

The non-interpolated part of DA not only confutes Osbern’s accusation, but establishes antiquity prior to Augustine by inclusion of the 601 charter which came at the beginning of William’s original DA. This in essence is the goal of DA, ‘the original plan’.

VD1 refers forward to the DA and both can be seen to have been written simultaneously. William finishes VD1 quickly and concentrates on the new task of DA: And so I have made haste to obey your command, and in my anxiety to win your favour and that of the saint, I have perhaps laid myself open to the teeth of backbiters…. I have applied my pen to this topic simply to do you a favour.475

472Cicero.

473VD ii prologue

474VD ii 35. 2

475VD I  prologue,

William continues to finish his second book of the life of Dunstan from the birth of King Edgar taking up chronologically from where the VDI had left off. VDII however, was written later than the main body of DA and refers back to it: I have dealt in another work, as well as God allowed me, with the antiquity of this most holy monastery at Glastonbury in which I profess my heavenly service. If anyone is desirous of reading about it, he will be able to find it elsewhere in my output.476

This indicates that DA took priority after VDI was set aside while DA was researched and composed. Yet both books of the VD were finished by the time William wrote the prologue to DA. By then Henry is Bishop of Winchester.

William in VDII refers to GR as written some years ago: but anyone who cares to read of such matters may wish to look out the history of the English Kings, (GR) which I published some years back.477 So, we may conclude VDI was started 1127-28, and DA 1128-29.  When complete DA was presented to Henry anytime between 1129 and 1134-4 before Henry’s brother became King. It seems that Henry Blois paid for the services of William in producing DA as the book was referred to him for approval by the monks at Glastonbury; the implication being he was already bishop of Winchester and the single monograph copy rested with Henry Blois at Winchester.

With those events explained, I aim to show that Eadmer was alive and the letter he wrote was written just after the new abbot joined because Eadmer inferred that it was a newly concocted story. I believe the Eadmer’s letter refers to the time of Henry’s arrival in 1126 and was written in the three years before he went to Winchester. One passage hints that William is referring to Eadmer as Osbern’s defender at Canterbury in what seems to be an ongoing theological debate which otherwise has no relevance to our inquiry: Now with the help of God’s grace I shall try to clear up something I promised in a letter prefacing book one.For some people find fault with me for condemning the biographer of Dunstan because he said that the mother’s womb swelled with the sacred unborn child.478

476VD II prologue. This is the root cause of the matter of Britain. Because DA was a book written for Glastonbury and delivered to Henry Blois himself; no-one in Henry’s era got to see the DA (his output) in the form that he left it. However, others did see it as it was used in the 1144 campaign to establish a metropolitan for Henry.

477VD II 15.4

478VD ii 35. 1

Winterbottom and Thompson posit that this might refer to Eadmer. However, there is far more pertinent information in the letter itself which implies that Eadmer must be writing his letter to Glastonbury after Henry’s arrival.

The reason for labouring this point is to show from the outset, even before composing his pseudo-history which led to the Primary Historia (the pre-cursor of HRB), that Henry Blois was prone to fabricate tales. I have included the whole of Eadmer’s letter in appendix 33. The letter is interesting in that Eadmer turns around the false rumour propagated by Henry which was supposed to glorify the fact that Dunstan’s remains were at Glastonbury. Instead Glastonbury becomes a den of liars and grave robbers: There are some among you, recent members of your community, as I am aware, who claimed that your fathers of old were thieves and robbers.

Eadmer is making clear that by spreading these lies, the Glastonbury establishment also implicate the former monks and abbot as grave robbers and liars. Eadmer makes it a general accusation of rumours emanating from Glastonbury: whose name is unknown to those who put about the story….

The reason for me to implicate Henry is that he is a known fabricator of legends as we have seen as author of HRB.  Again, Eadmer makes the point that the rumour is only a recent development: A hundred and more years have passed since they left this present life, those men whom these now claim to have been thieves and robbers. And now only at this late stage is such a grave reproach brought against them, and most unhappily they are now newly consigned to eternal punishment….

Eadmer cannot accuse Henry Blois directly because of his royal blood but makes out that the modern youth of Glastonbury have invented this lie: But it is not we who says so; rather it is their own modern brethren at Glastonbury. Assuredly we know for certain that those men are not guilty of this sin. What does this matter to the fellows who accuse their own brethren, nay, their own fathers, with such silly concocted lies.

By modern brethren read ‘recently joined.’ Eadmer almost says this must be a Norman invention as an Englishman would have more respect for the relics and anyway this sort of fabrication is more suited to the continentals: Your reverence must understand how, writing this, I am confounded by such patent stupidity, worthy of everyone’s scorn, especially because it is said that these tales were made up by Englishman. Alas, why did you not look overseas, where they have more experience, more learning, and know better how to make up such stories? You could even have paid someone to make up a plausible lie for you on a matter of such importance.

It is poignant that Eadmer directs his invective to the youth of the Abbey: So, my lords and my brethren, to whom God has opened the means of understanding matters of reason, bridal the wanton violence of your foolish young men who open their mouths only in order to seem to know how to speak, on whatever the flightiness of their hearts lead them to, thinking that they are something because others are innocent enough to listen to what they say.

It seems rather poignant that when Eadmer refers to how the body of Dunstan was miraculously taken from Canterbury, he is full of sarcasm suggesting it might have to do with a disgraced abbot of Glastonbury; when he knows perfectly well there were no monks from Glastonbury who came to take up the body. I call him former Abbot because as a general synod of the English church he was deposed of his abbacy by Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury, and he was placed under such confinement at Canterbury as fitted his position. The reference is designed to cast a slur on Glastonbury and the fact that in the past there had been an unscrupulous abbot and his deeds are recorded. The implication might be understood to be directed at the present abbot continuing this tradition.

The point of discussing this was to show that many details which were ‘put about’ by Glastonbury and recorded only in Eadmer’s rebuttal letter are refuted mainly on the evidence of the Glastonbury story not standing up to scrutiny. Most of these obvious flaws in the Glastonbury concoction are left out of DA where we know the reference exists in the interpolated part of DA composed by Henry Blois.

DA provides a general synopsis of the translation episode. It is a fact that, the translation did not take place. But, it is my opinion that Henry Blois re-iterated his initial concocted rumour which he had put about as a youth just starting out at Glastonbury when he himself interpolated William’s work which we see in the interpolated chapter 23 of DA.

We can assume this must be a later addition by Henry, as it was so easily confuted at the time and would not have been in the first set of interpolations of DA in 1144. A later redactor has added to Henry’s explanation for the benefit of the abbey after the fire when re-finding the body basically re-iterating Henry Blois position that Dunstan’s relics were at Glastonbury.

As we have touched on already, Henry planted the supposed body of Arthur between the piramides at Glastonbury to be found in the future…. so one logically might assume the site of Dunstan’s grave was his doing also.  We can therefore draw the conclusion that the translation of Dunstan account in DA is Henry’s work also as I shall cover in the chapter on DA, but the story was extrapolated by a later interpolator after the fire confirming Henry’s interpolation. As we have covered, the inspiration for planting a body to be found in the future comes directly from Melkin’s prophecy.

However, the idea for the leaden cross (found in Arthur’s grave) stating that Glastonbury is Avalon and that the body was that of King Arthur’s, was oddly enough initially inspired by Eadmer’s letter. Eadmer in his confutation of the translation of Dunstan provides evidence of the earlier movement of Dunstan’s relics when Eadmer was a boy at Canterbury: With it was found in inscription on a lead tablet which clearly stated that there lay the body of St Dunstan, Archbishop of Canterbury.

Henry Blois adapted the idea and used it for his biggest deception. As a ploy, it is the proof positive that convinced the world at Arthur’s disinterment firstly, that the chivalric King Arthur existed, and secondly because he was buried at Glastonbury….Glastonbury was certainly the old Isle Avalon.

Much like the composition of HRB can be traced to various sources (as clearly explained by Tatlock), we also see Henry’s inspiration from other sources, as the leaden cross is in reality one of the nucleic components of the Matter of Britain in defining Avalon at Glastonbury.

Yet the reader is aware now that the Island of Avalon in HRB was named after the Burgundian town in the region of Blois lands just as Arthur’s continental battle scene had been said to have taken place in the same region of Autun and Langres which of course Henry Blois knew well and all its topography.

Eadmer makes plain that his proof is established by the lead tablet which states it was St Dunstan that lay in the grave. Henry uses as inspiration from that example of proof the same buried inscription which showed Dunstan’s relics remained at Canterbury by employing the leaden cross in Arthur’s grave…. but changes history by implying his alter-ego was buried in Avalon. From thenceforth the world has been duped…. yet  the naïve are still fascinated at how it is that there is a semblance of history which follows where ‘Geoffrey’ said Arthur was last seen.

One subtle pointer to the fact that Henry Blois was the initiator of the St Dunstan translation story is that it was included in the later interpolations of DA. Because Henry started the rumour he wished to establish it once and for all by confirming it as lore in DA because no-where else had the lore been established in writing. Most of the other interpolations early on in DA c.1144 deal with Henry Blois agenda in establishing antiquity for the abbey and St Dunstan being buried at Glastonbury does not help this cause. Secondary early interpolations in DA c.1149 like the disciplic foundation and the St Patrick charter establish further the antiquity of Glastonbury abbey by confirming several parts of the historicity of First Variant HRB like Phagan and Deruvian. These are all part of Henry’s first agenda when he is trying to get a Metropolitan for Winchester.                      

Henry’s second agenda in terms of interpolations in DA mainly deals with establishing the building blocks concerning Arthur being buried in Avalon and also Joseph being part of Glastonbury lore also confirming Robert de Boron’s Vaus d’Avaron must be synonymous with Glastonbury. The point is the Dunstan story is of little consequence to warrant inclusion in the final interpolations of DA and if it was not for Henry’s personal involvement in the propagation of the rumour it seems unlikelyb it would have been included. But after the fire some future monk craft perpetuates Henry’s initial story.

Henry Blois’ interpolations and impersonation of Geoffrey of Monmouth

There are several tracts composed by Henry Blois which fall under our investigation before the time Henry left England and went into self-imposed exile to the monastery at Clugny in 1155. There are additional later interpolations to certain manuscripts i.e. the DA, depending upon the ‘agenda’ of Henry Blois at the time. Certain other manuscripts entirely composed from scratch by Henry Blois such as Wace’s Roman de Brut and the life of Gildas were published to meet the varying agendas of his purposes. All the manuscripts are very different and serve different propaganda at different times. The impersonation which concerns us for the moment includes the books supposedly written by Geoffrey of Monmouth. These, as we have covered already, are Henry’s Primary Historia deposited at Bec Abbey which is followed by the First Variant version of HRB with an early set of Merlin prophecies resulting in the eventual production of the Vulgate HRB with fully updated prophecies c.1155.

Henry writing as Gaufridus Artur entitled his work De Gestis Britonum and he refers to it by this title rather than by what it is termed in the Vulgate version. Presently modern scholars assume little difference between those editions. Scholars who have commented on ‘Geoffrey’s’ work do not understand the evolving progression of the Historia in its three forms (or four if one includes the initial pseudo-history) and why the First Variant is less anti-Roman and contains more biblical479 references than the Vulgate version. Nor can they account for the modification of several speeches made by Geoffrey’s characters.  Scholarship has not understood the progression and warping of the prophecies from an original libellus through to the inclusion of prophecies which spoke of events in the Anarchy which date to around 1149 and the further squewing of those prophecies and the addition of new ones up until 1155 which have seditious intent composed by Henry Blois to unseat Henry II.

Another impersonation by Henry Blois is evident in Caradoc of Llancarfan’s life of Gildas where Arthur is brought into association with Glastonbury and so is Gildas. The two other tracts which concern us are by William of Malmesbury.  There are small scale Glastonbury interpolations into William of Malmesbury’s Gesta Regum which I will show complement the interpolations in DA.

The most influential interpolations that essentially in one volume prop up or corroborate other works of Henry Blois are found in the first 34 chapters of DA. The interpolations into DA constitute two phases of interpolation at different times and for different purposes…. both by Henry Blois.

Henry Blois’ ‘first agenda’ is simply in pursuit of metropolitan status for himself. Henry combines interpolations in DA with his other interpolations of William’s work which concern Glastonbury found in GR3 and were composed pre-1155. A second set of interpolations are seen in DA and involves the glorification of Henry’s own invention in HRB in the persona of the chivalric Arthur and establishes Joseph lore at Glastonbury which corroborates some of his other output in the form of Grail Literature.

Henry’s ‘second agenda’ mainly establishes Avalon at Glastonbury and also concerns Joseph of Arimathea.  The introduction of Joseph into Grail lore and his presence in Glastonbury lore was a consequence of Henry’s knowledge of two factors. Firstly, Henry knew Cornish tradition concerning Joseph of Arimathea.480  Secondly, Henry had seen the prophecy of Melkin which made mention of the future discovery of Joseph of Arimathea on Ineswitrin.

479Neil Wright has the scholar’s backward premise when referring to Geoffrey’s First Variant: his fondness for biblical allusion lends the First Variant in many passages (especially speeches) a tone rather more moral than that of Geoffrey’s original. In sum, the first variant does not abbreviate its source slavishly, but often recasts the historia freely in a manner quite different from that of Geoffrey himself. The old adage remains that ‘if one starts with a faulty premise, the conclusion is going to be even more inaccurate’. Does Neil not think Geoffrey wrote the first Variant? This false premise (Hammer’s) exists solely because scholars have never put ‘Geoffrey’ in context. Neither Wright nor Crick will change their stance or ever accept Henry Blois as ‘Geoffrey’ even when Wright commences his analysis of the Variant with: there has thus far been no consensus of opinion on such fundamental issues as exactly how the texts of this Variant  relates to that of the vulgate, when and with what motives the Variant was composed, and who was responsible for it. I have supplied motive, the person who wrote it, and how it relates to Vulgate.

480Looe Island was appropriated by Glastonbury in Henry Blois’ tenure before 1144 when it appeared in a list of the abbey’s possessions, found in a confirmation of pope Lucius II. Looe island had a Joseph tradition.

.Henry knew that Ineswitrin was in the old Dumnonia as the 601 charter plainly reveals. This was deduced on the fact that a Dumnonian King had donated an island with the same name in the 601 charter to the Old church at Glastonbury. Glastonbury was never part of Dumnonia. Henry believed what the prophecy foretold was true but could not unlock its meaning. He had gone looking for the body of Joseph of Arimathea thinking it really was at Montacute (guided by the same ‘carefully hidden’ information which much later Father good confirmed) as I have already covered. 

Henry had also thought initially that the body of Joseph of Arimathea might be on Looe Island and thought that Looe island (in Dumnonia) might be the Ineswitrin mentioned in the Melkin prophecy. Looe Island had an extant Joseph tradition in Henry’s era and it was in the old Dumnonia when Devon and Cornwall were one province. We must remember Henry Blois knew he was looking for an island because it was him who substituted the original name of Ineswitrin on the prophecy of Melkin for his own invention of  Avalon i.e. Insula Avallonis.

Henry had in effect demeaned himself with his previous petitions to Rome and its popes in an attempt to gain metropolitan status.  Henry had plans for his future when he had made sure his brother would be King. Henry Blois had an agreement with Stephen and had once thought of setting up a Gregorian state with his brother as King and him as head of the Church.

Ever since, Henry Blois had been thwarted by his brother in the fact that he not been given the bishopric of Canterbury and then subsequently loosing his ‘Legation’; Henryhad been struggling to establish his own power-base by instigating a Metropolitan at Winchester which would cover the south west of England.

Henry understood that if the body of Joseph of Arimathea was found, Rome would no longer have the self-professed primacy and authority over the church in Britain.  This factor should be considered when (as I covered earlier), Henry Blois is the first person to define that the ‘New Jerusalem’ is in Britain as we saw as a concept first iterated by Henry Blois in the colophon to a VM edition.

This, again, is partly intonated in the Prophecy of Melkin.481  It must have been Henry who made the addition to his VM, (a copy of which is no longer extant) but from which John of Glastonbury copied (at Glastonbury) when quoting a verse from VM482 which likened Glastonbury to the ‘New Jerusalem’ through the implication that Glastonbury Tor is the holy hill. ‘This was the New Jerusalem, the faith’s refinement, a holy hill, celebrated as the ladder of Heaven. He scarcely pays the penalty of hell who lies buried here’.

481Per multum tempus ante diem Judioialem in iosaphat erunt aperta haec, & viventibus declarata.

482Leland saw the copy that John of Glastonbury probably quotes from: Vita Merlini Sylvestris carmine scriptore Galfredo Monemutensi. Carley says about the extra three lines: My suspicion is that they were added to Glastonbury’s copy of the VM in the mid-twelfth century, at approximately the same period as the interpolations about Avalon were made in DA.

…..My point is that Henry did believe the Melkin prophecy and the fact that the ‘Uncle’ of Jesus brought an object to Britain and the fact that Joseph’s sepulchre was on an island. Once he had invented his island of Avalon in HRB, inspired indirectly by the Melkin prophecy from the ‘Ines’ or Island of ‘Witrin’ written on the original copy of the  Melkin Prophecy; Henry then converted both Ineswitrin and his name for Arthur’s island i.e. Avalon to be commensurate with Glastonbury. This was accomplished through his literary propaganda.

Henry’s ‘second agenda’ (mainly carried out on his return to England in 1158) entailed introducing Joseph to Glastonbury lore; just as he propagated Joseph material into continental Grail literature. Also, he orally implanted story-line elements at the court of Champagne. These elements were then confirmed and partially corroborated through his interpolations in DA.     

As I have covered already, Henry decided he would provide a noble pre-history for the Britons which ran contrary to what he knew from Roman annals. He set out to expand and romanticize the briefly mentioned Celtic Briton hero of Arthur found in a few editions of saints lives, the echo of which remained in popular culture in the form of an oral tradition of the ‘hope of the Britons’.

Henry used as a template for the Life of Gildas the genuine life of St Cadoc, one of the few saint’s lives mentioning Arthurus.  Henry also knew of the French rumours of a descendant heritage from Troy (after all, Henry’s father was the Count of Troyes). Henry also had read Nennius’ slim mention of Arthur and the brief reference in AC; and it is upon this flimsy foundation that the ‘chivalric’ Arthur of HRB was constructed along with the bogus inter-relation of Ambrosius from the insular annals of Bede and Gildas.

One would have to be dim not to understand that if ‘Geoffrey’ was in mid flow in the composition of his historia (in reality), when Alexander pressed him to translate the prophecies of Merlin, (and we know the composition of the prophecies are entirely a medieval construct)…. how is it that the prophecies so neatly align with and corroborate ‘Geoffrey’s’ history.

Geoffrey sets us up in the Vulgate version by saying:

I had not come so far as this place of my history, when by reason of the much talk that was made about Merlin, my contemporaries did on every side press me to make public an edition of his prophecies, and more especially Alexander, Bishop of Lincoln, a man of the highest piety and wisdom. Nor was there none other, whether he were cleric or layman, that did retain so many knights or nobles in his household, whom his gentle holiness of life and bountiful kindliness did allure into his service. Wherefore, for that he it was whom I did most earnestly desire to please above all other, I did translate the prophecies and did send them unto him along with a letter unto this effect.

Henry detested Alexander. Simply by backdating the ‘translation’ of the prophecies to appear to have been written under Alexander’s commission, Henry Blois averts suspicion that some prophecies were more modern and were current in Alexander’s lifetime. The flattery is entirely a ploy. Henry hated and mistrusted Alexander…. so how could any one suspect him of authorship, especially when the commission is so adeptly retro-dated by years. Alexander died in 1148 and some of the updated prophecies in HRB go up to 1155. Certainly, Merlin’s prophetic vision of a ‘sixth King’ invading Ireland was added post 1155 as discussed in the chapter covering the interpolation into Orderic’s work.

Similar ploys are utilised in the ‘Historian colophon’ establishing contemporaneity with Caradoc. They are found also in the GS where Henry Blois implicates himself in attempting to bribe the keeper of Henry Ist treasure483 at Winchester…. to avoid suspicion of authorship of that manuscript which puts a gloss on the otherwise (at times) devious actions of Henry Blois.  We can see the same obfuscatory device being used above where….. the last person who would be suspected of earnestly desiring to please Alexander would be Henry Blois. Again, found in another edition of HRB, who would ever be suspected of writing:

The affection I bear unto thy nobility, Alexander, Prelate of Lincoln, hath compelled me to translate the Prophecies of Merlin out of the British into Latin before I had made an end of the History I had begun as concerning the acts of the British Kings; for my purpose was to have finished that first, and afterward to have published this present work, for fear lest, both labours hanging on my hands at once, my wit should scarce be sufficient for either.

483William de Pont de l’Arche.

,  frombecause,s.. It is pertinant that the above implies it is Geoffrey composing the History rather than translating it.

Henry Blois was certainly responding to general inquiry about why there was no Merlin or prophecies mentioned in the Primary historia covered by Huntingdon in EAW and how it was they were now spliced into Vulgate edition of HRB with very up to date Merlin prophecies especially because some of the newly added prophecies were seditious in content.

It need not be explained that it would be truly fortuitous that Alexander’s commission transpired at the very point in the text at which we chronologically reach Vortigern. As I have maintained, Geoffrey had constructed his initial pseudo-Historia to that point and adjoined (or more probably expanded) the Arthuriad after having been to Wales in 1136 and while taking care of troubles in Normandy in 1137.

The resultant subsequent Primary Historia was deposited at Bec in 1138 and handed to Huntingdon in January 1139.  Merlin or his prophecies did not exist in the copy seen by Huntingdon.  We know that Henry Blois had by then returned back to England and was at the siege of Bedford in 1138. We can deduce this from the eyewitness detailed descriptions Henry as author of GS had given when composing the GS.

Merlin and the prophecies existed as a separate libellus. The First Variant version (not dedicated) which dates from 1144 probably existed with the first set of prophecies which did not include the prophecies connected to the later part of the Anarchy and certainly not the ‘sixth in Ireland’ or the seditious prophecies rallying the Celts to overthrow Henry II and certainly not the dedication to Alexander as he was not dead yet.

What we can conclude from this is that the exemplar from which all subsequent copies of the First Variant derive which have had the latest set of prophecies added, logically must post date 1155 because of their recent material addition of the prophecies.

There is no doubt that the Exeter copy has had later additions at the beginning (1-3) and with the dedication to Alexander (109-110) which could not have been in any manuscript until after Alexander had died in 1148.  The Cardiff manuscript has the full prologue dedication to Gloucester…. so is most likely a correction. Because Alexander is not mentioned in the Exeter, Trinity College, Harley or Panton First Variant manuscripts….they were written before Alexander died. However, Henry could have made any adjustment or added the updated prophecies to the First Variant at any stage post 1155.

In Huntingdon’s précis of the Primary Historia there is no mention of Archflamens…. only the twenty-eight bishops; and certainly no mention of Phagan and Deruvian. The reason for this is because as far as Henry Blois knows, when he is writing the Primary Historia in 1137 and at the time, he deposits the book at Bec in 1138…. he is going to be Archbishop of Canterbury.

Therefore, we can deduce the subsequent mention of Archbishops (archflamens) is bound up with his polemic of a third archbishopric. We can also deduce that if Phagan and Deruvian had been mentioned in the Primary Historia Huntingdon would definitely have related to his friend Warin who was responsible for proselytising Britain.

Huntingdon, in the entourage of the newly appointed Archbishop Theobald, on a trip to pick up the pallium from Rome, was the first who commented on the content of the Primary Historia which had been deposited at Bec just six months before by Henry; either secretively or donating it as having been written by one Galfridus Arthur.

We can assume Robert of Torigni had already read it and commended its contents to Huntingdon. We do not know how Henry delivered his Primary Historia to Bec. It could have been secretively deposited by Henry Blois while staying there or passing through on his way back to Britain in 1138.

I have an unfounded speculation that Henry had left it there not thinking that anything would transpire out of the Normal or was able to forsee how his invention of the Chivalric Arthur would develop or that people would be searching for ‘Geoffrey’ after the seditious prophecies had been added to the HRB after 1155. Nor could Henry in 1138 have imagined the return of Theodore to Bec in January 1139 as Archbishop along with Huntingdon who then became very keen to know where Galfridus had got his information. Things got complicated.

What is certain is that Huntingdon dislikes and mistrusts Henry Blois, but even if he did know that Henry was the one who delivered Galfridus’ work to the Bec abbey and had later suspicions regarding Henry Blois as the author, a mere cleric/historian would not accuse the brother of the King or the grandchild of William the Conqueror.  Since Huntingdon died in 1157 and the seditious prophecies surfaced 1155-56, the connection may never have been made. By that time, Henry Blois was at Clugny and ‘Geoffrey’ was dead.

What is for sure, the seditious prophecies were in the public domain (now made public) and Henry II wanted to see a copy and find out who had written them. So, any scholar thinking that I have implied that scripts have been altered by Henry Blois should really understand that Henry Blois was in a precarious position and needed to be sure that his entire backdating scenario was watertight.

This pressure to find the author of the prophecies and HRB prompted Henry to write Gaimar’s epilogue which, in essence proved that there was a basis for establishing or confirming that ‘Geoffrey’ did not invent the contents of HRB and there really was a book ex-Btittanica from which he had copied the contents of HRB. Similarly, the same was done for establishing the veracity of the Merlin prophecies’ antiquity by the production of another Celtic source of the prophecies in John of Cornwall’s edition. I cover the John of Cornwall prophecies in progression.

The banality of providing the author of the Primary Historia with a surname of the main protagonist of HRB i.e. Arthur, is indicative that Henry Blois never expected he would employ the tract in a fraud of such huge scale later on in his later life. Nor did he consider he would have to spend time covering his own tracks as the author by inventing such a detailed proof of a persona in ‘Geoffrey of Monmouth’. Hence, Henry’s later attempt to put flesh on Gaufridus’ bones as ‘Geoffrey’ becoming the more respectable and credible author, the bishop of Asaph who supposedly signs the Treaty of Winchester alongside Henry Blois. One late rubric may be another form in distancing himself from the authorship, being similarly named as the protagonist by Translacio Gaufridi Arciri Monemutensis de gestis britonum.

Both Phagan and Deruvian and the three archflamens only become useful to the polemic of the story-line when the First Variant version was presented at Rome by Henry Blois putting forward a case for metropolitan. The additional archflamen corroborated the prophecy made by Merlin about the metropolitans and established there were three in ancient Britain to establish a precedent for Henry’s wishes. Also, the mention of Phagan and Deruvian in HRB negated the self professed primacy of Canterbury in Britain while being confirmed in Henry’s ‘first agenda’ interpolations found in the DA.  The output of this polemic could only be established in DA once Malmesbury was dead post 1143.

The First Variant showed that there had been three metropolitans at an earlier date. Phagan and Deruvian were obviously put forward in the Charter of St Patrick (Henry’s later interpolations in DA C.1149) as their existence had been corroborated elsewhere in DA in the first interpolations. Only when Henry is in pursuit of metropolitan status does he contrive St. Patrick’s charter in DA along with Phagan and Deruvian; and then insert their names into First Variant HRB with the precedent of an ancient and third metropolitan in Caerleon/Menevia.484  So, no third metropolitan is an issue at the time of composition of the Primary Historia because Henry Blois was Archbishop of Canterbury in waiting and therefore: archflamens do not appear as a topic (just 28 bishops485) in Huntingdon’s letter to Warin.

484This becomes clearer in a later chapter in our investigation into the life of St David by Rhygyfarch where Henry Blois ascribes the foundation of Glastonbury to St David also.

485Presumably, ‘Geoffrey’ derives his 28 bishoprics from Gildas’ twenty-eight cities.

””We will never know the exact chronology of when St Patrick’s charter was written because in the GR3 (Glastonbury interpolations) Henry sets out an apostolic foundation at Glastonbury as grounds for metropolitan status in the early successful petition to the pope in 1144, but by my reckoning, discussed when investigating the St Patrick charter, the charter seems to have been produced in 1149 for the trip to Rome to plead for metropolitan status to the English pope.

The several attempts at gaining Metropolitan status are the reason for contradictory Glastonbury foundation material in DA which was later rationalised in Henry’s final consolidation so that they adhered to the storyline of the initial interpolations presented in DA at Rome in 1144. The Apostolic foundation followed by the Phagan and Deruvian foundation was again later contradicted as Henry introduced Joseph into lore post 1158 and thus, we have three separate foundation possibilities for Glastonbury all tying together in the final consolidation of the copy of DA today. 

It is therefore probable that Henry presented (the first time) his case to pope Lucius with his initial gambit of an apostolic foundation at Glastonbury interpolated into the text of the DA.  It is surely the reason for the GR3 (version B) Glastonbury interpolations as that book also was used as a proof but differed in Glastonbury detail from GR1 composed before Malmesbury had been in the employ of the Glastonbury establishment.  Phagan and Deruvian’s names as envoys and citing the three archbishops which are included in the First Variant (not in Primary Historia) is a direct result of Henry Blois’ ‘agenda’ in attempting to gain metropolitan.

First Variant HRB was presented and was combined with corroborating evidence in DA. The First Variant probably contained a Merlin prophecy foretelling of the reinstatement of the third metropolitan also. There is a possibility that the initial form of the First Variant was presented to papal authorities without Merlin or prophecies included but these were then added to that evolving exemplar after 1144. Whether or not Merlin was a part of the (first) First Variant can only be conjectured. Certainly, at some stage after 1139 Merlin and his prophecies were added to Primary Historia to become part of the evolving First Variant.

It was probably after the metropolitan was denied by Pope Eugenius that the Patrick charter was concocted. The only reason I posit this is that the GR3 apostolic foundation seems to illogically contradict the grounds for Lucius’ need to send missionaries. But, as it stands, Phagan and Deruvian are the ‘restorers’ of an existing Church and part of Henry’s original interpolation meant to convince the pope of Glastonbury’s early establishment which would confirm its Primacy over Canterbury.

I will cover this in detail under the chapter on DA, because another fact would indicate the St Patrick charter was not put forward to the pope as evidence. Firstly, the ridiculous indulgences found therein and secondly the fact that the pope could check records whether a grant was given. At least we know the charter of St Patrick was originally a Blois invention by the use of his names Phagan and Deruvian, also an inserted invention in the HRB, historically unknown before Henry Blois and the charter actually existed (in gold lettering).

Most commentators have thought Wellias’s name in the St Patrick charter relevant to the dispute of the Bishop of Wells’ authority over Glastonbury, thus erroneously dating the St Patrick charter after Henry Blois death. Even that proposition is uncertain…. as Wellias provides substance to the supposed antiquity of the charter in that it supposedly supplies the eponym of a town nearby to Glastonbury. One thing we know about Henry in his impersonation of Geoffrey…. is his love of providing eponyms in HRB.

However, it is entirely possible that the St Patrick charter was only produced at Glastonbury and was never used as evidence, but this is slightly illogical as the charter was said to have been ‘copied’ in gold lettering so it would seem as if the text in DA was proof it existed (as a copy); but whatever scenario about its physical appearance in gold lettering or not and for whom it was concocted as an evidence; it was certainly originally a composition of Henry’s and not of later invention as scholars would have us believe on flimsy evidence.

Scott’s assessment that the keeping of two copies indicates a date of composition after the fire does not hold as definitive. Scott assumes the reasoning behind stating a copy was made, explains how the St Patrick charter had turned up at Glastonbury abbey. Presumably (in reality), we are supposed to believe the copy was found after William searched the chest of old charters. Logically, the St Patrick charter could not be posited as having come from the St Michael chapel on the tor from such an ancient date and therefore the need for a copy and its survival, because it was written in Gold.

One certainty is that it is Henry Blois who includes the St Patrick Charter in DA…. just as it is Henry that coalesces its postscript concerning Avalon when he does his final consolidation in DA…. after his introduction of Joseph lore at Glastonbury and his final consolidation of the various propagandist agendas which are witnessed in chapters 1&2 of DA. 

Henry had heard much about Arthur and read a vague tradition concerning him in saints’ lives and in Nennius while researching his initial pseudo-history for presentation to either Matilda or her Father Henry I.

Originally, for the recently conquered populace in Britain, Arthur was someone who was a warlord who Henry Blois transposes from Gildas and Bede’s486 account of Ambrosius Aurelianus to a King of Briton. Even though many readers of ‘Geoffrey’ were descendant of the Saxons and Normans, Henry is careful to relate that his Arthur was against the Romans.

486Bede reiterates Gildas’ account of Ambrosius Aurelianus in his Ecclesiastical History, but in his Chronica Majora he dates Ambrosius’ victory to the reign of the Emperor Zeno (474–491).

‘. sectionasThis change from the First Variant (where there is little anti-Roman sentiment witnessed in the speeches) is opened up to vitriolic national pride in several speeches in the later Vulgate edition of HRB.

It is not coincidental that this change of attitude is reflected to incorporate the Gauls as party to Arthur’s efforts against the Romans and could be a reflection of why Henry (when impersonating Wace by writing the Roman de Brut), finishes what he had already started (a French vernacular versified version) by completing the second half of his Anglo-Norman dialect edition  of  the Roman de Brut referencing the updated and more recent Vulgate version of speeches including anti Roman sentiment etc not in the First Variant (from which Henry Blois had used as a template to versify the first half of the Roman de Brut). This story-line would have been more inclusive toward the continental/Gallic audience to which the work was aimed also.

 Henry’s original pseudo-history (destined for Matilda) would probably have had a more positive gloss about the Saxons as the Empress Matilda’s mother was one; and obviously references such as the German worm found in the Merlin prophecies were not even thought of at that early period in the evolutionary development of the work of the HRB.

The original pseudo-history evolved into the Primary Historia. With the introduction of the first set of prophecies into the HRB once Stephen had become King and the delicacies of not appearing to offend the Saxon sensibilities were no longer a concern, the Saxons were now portrayed with such scathing distain to deflect from the reality that the Normans were now the overlords of the Britons. Henry presents the Normans as the saviours of Britain in the early prophecies when King Stephen was still alive. However, after King Stephen’s death, in the recently updated set of prophecies in 1155 when he incites a rebellion against Henry II by a prophetical harangue to the Celts, it is predicted the Normans will be replaced by the original inhabitants i.e. the Celts with their ‘adopted son’ (Henry Blois) in charge as is made plain in the John of Cornwall Merlin prophecies. This becomes painfully obvious in the JC version, which I shall cover in the section on the John of Cornwall prophecies.

Henry aggrandises Arthur’s status and embellishes his acts and purposely conflates his persona with Gildas’ and Bede’s Ambrosius. This could only be achieved by someone who knew that there was little more information to be collated about Arthur than that found in Malmesbury’s GR1, Annales Cambriae and Nennius’ dubious Historia Brittonum,  who had the education, craft, wit, artistic temperament and opportunity to carry out an endeavour which innocently started as a romanticized history of Britain destined for the future Queen. Eventually the HRB turned into a fraud that Henry had to distance himself from, especially, by assuming the authorial pseudonym of Galfridus Artur who evolved to ‘Geoffrey of Monmouth and then into the Bishop of Asaph who had to be known as dead once he had added the seditious prophecies to the work.

The creation of the persona of ‘Geoffrey’ and the background details to cover Henry’s tracks was due to Henry having written the updated prophecies c.1155 in the edition (now made public) with all the several devises that distance the work from Henry Blois. Certainly ‘Geoffrey of Monmouth’ is a subsequent appellation invented after Galfridus Artur. It seems a remarkable coincidence that ‘Geoffrey’ dies the same year that the most recent prophecies are proliferated which incite rebellion. No-one prior to 1155 mentions Geoffrey of Monmouth by that name. As we covered, the act of ‘Geoffrey’ signing all those charters in Oxford in 1153 transpired after Wallingford.

Alfred of Beverley writing in 1148-51 calls ‘Geoffrey’ ‘Brittanicus’, probably because of the ‘Brito’ reference and the fact that Henry appears to be taking the partisan view of a pro-Briton by recording such an illustrious history for the Britons. ‘Geoffrey’s’ supposed elevation to Bishop in 1152 and his death in 1155 were brought about and deemed timely, because the final Vulgate version was born with newly reworked prophecies along with the incendiary calls for insurrection by the Celts against Henry II. Also, Ganieda’s prophecies in VM were just too incredible reflecting recent events in the Anarchy. I feel sure Geoffrey was being held to account, but no-one could locate him.

Hence, when the finalised and updated version of the prophetia i.e. inclusive of the ‘sixth in Ireland’ and the seditious prophecies were spliced into the present Vulgate Historia (which was in essence an evolved re-crafted Primary Historia and First Variant); the ‘bona fide’ and respectable, but untraceable Bishop of Asaph as author had already expired.

In other words, post 1149 (Henry’s last attempt at metropolitan) the First Variant became less ‘highbrow’ and ‘churchy’ and more of a history novel in the form of the Vulgate in which the fiction came to be a history which was pro-British. This is the copy Alfred would have read. The final Vulgate version in 1155 along with the last version of updated prophecies appeared with all the devises which hid Henry’s authorship. Both these came into the public domain after he had created an already expired ‘Geoffrey’; who was in fact still composing as ‘Geoffrey’ until 1156-7 over in Clugny, while still composing the VM.

  Henry disregarded the necessity to chime with previous histories and his attempt to parallel known chronologies and events in annals as he had tried to maintain while composing the First Variant. Now the Metropolitan status as an agenda was no longer relevant, he re-worked the religious tone and quotes and the speeches were re-crafted to a more fictional history where no consideration was taken to avoid offence to Roman sensitivity (as the FV had originally been used as evidential support of his claim for Metropolitan status). 

Furthermore, what innocently started as an innocuous endeavour as a pseudo-history c.1128-29, was first edited and tempered toward evidence in gaining metropolitan…. was then latterly used by a disempowered Henry Blois between the years of 1155-1158 as an attempt (through the Merlin Prophecies) to de-throne Henry II without any trace of such a design or culpability sticking to him. 

Henry was in an opportune position to make it appear as if the HRB was written by Gaufridus Artur (who had then become known as Geoffrey of Monmouth) who had subsequently become bishop of Asaph and was a party to the signing of the Winchester treaty. It was believed by most due to the backdating process of citing dead dedicatees… that the prophecies must have been translated by ‘Geoffrey’ as they were dedicated to Alexander before 1148, but both Alexander and the Bishop of Asaph were now dead at the appearance of the updated prophecies. 

The dedications in the HRB proved ostensibly that the book had been written long before 1148.  But, there were no dedications in the First Variant simply because the dedicatees were still alive, but importantly, Henry at this stage had only produced a few copies. It was only at the inclusion of the malicious prophecies that Henry Blois really started to cover his tracks. The reality was in 1155 that the author was now already dead and Henry Blois was abroad. Henry was Norman anyway and ‘Geoffrey’ had become ‘Brito’ and hailed from Monmouthshire. With such a pro-British history which chimed with pro-British prophecies of the later version, certainly Henry had put enough distance between him and any accusation of authorship. In any case it seems that Henry was still trying to obfuscate his tracks because Theobald of Bec only died in 1161 and the Bishop of Asaph had supposedly been consecrated by him, but I covered this point earlier.

Henry’s cleverness at back dating was the main reason no suspicion ever fell upon him and he was never detected during his lifetime; because he made a very believable persona for Geoffrey.Especially that he appeared to have some competative streak with the two other historians. He had also substantiated in several ways the credibility of some of the History in HRB by corroborating it in other tracts and making out in the  Gaimar epilogue that there really had been a source book for the HRB from which ‘Geoffrey’ had merely translated as opposed to having fabricated a history.

However, when we look at the Blois-Glastonbury interpolations in version B of GR3 we can see they pertain to a period straight after William’s death and coincide with the earliest corroborative interpolations in DA which posit an apostolic foundation which I have termed Henry’s ‘first agenda’.

The cause of much of the confusion in the Glastonbury quagmire of erroneous lore is that in two of the charters in the C version of GR3 there is even later interpolation after Henry’s death which adds even further leaf to the salad of confusion…. and this is why modern scholarship has apportioned all interpolations in DA after the fire, never considering the author of Arthuriana and the interpolated first 34 chapters in DA were  composed by the same man.

To put things in historical perspective; there were no less than eight popes from the time Henry Blois was made Bishop of Winchester.

1)15 December 1124– 13 February 1130:   Honorius II

2) 14 February 1130– 24 September 1143: Innocent II (Anacletus487)

3) 26 September 1143– 8 March 1144:       Celestine II

4) 12 March 1144– 15 February 1145:         Lucius II

5) 15 February 1145– 8 July 1153:              Eugene III

6) 8 July 1153– 3 December 1154:              Anastasius IV

7) 4 December 1154– 1 September 1159:    Adrian IV

8) 7 September 1159– 30 August 1181:       Alexander III

Henry Blois held the post of Legate from 1139-43 granted by Innocent II. Before the news arrived in England of Innocent’s death, Henry was holding a legatine council in London in November but then set out immediately for Rome in the hope of renewing the legation. Archbishop Theobald had already set out for Rome having had enough of his suffragan bishop as legate and tried to obtain the Legation for himself. Pope Celestine had been educated amongst the inhabitants of Anjou and designed to strengthen their hands by the abasement of King Stephen; on which ground he was excited to a dislike of Henry Bishop of Winchester.488

Henry was not given the legation and stayed at Clugny for a while probably annoyed at events and those of the Cistercians that conspired against him. However, Celestine lived just a short while and Lucius II was more amenable to Henry Blois. Henry of course wanted the legation but realised that it was only for the life of the pope and to be more secure in his powerbase, attempted to elevate Winchester into a metropolitan See over Salisbury, Exeter, Wells, and Chichester, Hereford and Worcester and also creating a new bishopric for Hyde abbey.

Now, to convince pope Lucius of Henry’s worthiness to be granted metropolitan status, certain proofs would be necessary to grant such a powerful position and this is the main cause of Henry’s interpolative endeavour into William of Malmesbury’s GR and DA and constitutes what I have termed his ‘first agenda’. I shall cover why and when certain interpolations were added to William’s work in the next sections on the ‘De Antiquitate Glastonie Ecclesia’ and the Gesta Regum Anglorum.

GR3 (with interpolations) and DA (with apostolic foundation interpolations) were produced in a case put forward as a proof of antiquity. Further evidential support probably backed up by much which was written about Winchester and its early monastic roots (in HRB) and the fact there were three Archflamens etc. found in First Variant were duly provided as evidence of the worthiness to be granted metroplitan.

Pope Lucius, as well as finally granting Henry his metropolitan status over the western part of England, also conferred papal privileges at the same time on Glastonbury itself, obviously convinced of its great antiquity by the written evidences put forward by Henry of Western Britain’s right to primacy.489  So as John of Hexham relates: Bishop Henry found favour in his sight, and refuted the criminal charges of those whom the empress had sent against him, but nevertheless, he did not continue to hold the title and office of legate.490

487In 1130, just after Henry Blois was elevated to the Bishopric of Winchester, Peter the venerable, Henry’s mentor and confidant was the most prominent to acknowledge Gregorio Papareschi (Innocent II) against Anacletus otherwise known as Cardinal Pietro Pierleone, thus averting a long-term schism in the Roman Church.

488John of Hexham 22

489Monasticum Anglicanum I, 37

490John of Hexham 22-23

Lucius II however, denied the legation to Theobald also, because of the endless enmity that existed between Henry Blois and Theobald. As I covered earlier, the enmity was initially caused by Henry’s brother Stephen having given the Archbishopric of Canterbury to Theobald of Bec in late 1138, after Henry had stood in as Archbishop in waiting since 1136, since William of Corbeil had died. The blame for the underhanded volte face by his brother in denying Henry the Archbishopric and the pique it caused Henry could not be suppressed, as we witnessed at times in GS (authored by Henry Blois).

The cause was the Beaumont twins, whispering in the ear of Stephen, guarding him against giving Henry too much power. Henry felt, after having installed his brother as King, that he deserved the highest position in the church as they had initially agreed.

Now, we must just deviate slightly, because, as I have maintained, Henry Blois wrote the Life of Gildas. We know that Henry is the one who commissioned the ‘Kidnap of Guinevere’ engraving on the Modena Archivolt…. and the Cathedral itself was finished by 1140 (according to the experts). William’s unadulterated DA had not proven such a success in providing adequate proof of Antiquity for Glastonbury except for the evidence provided by the 601 charter. So, an earlier date of antiquity could be more easily believed if a datable Gildas was known to be at Glastonbury and preceded Augustine’s arrival as is confirmed in the Life of Gildas.

The Life of Gildas also provided the added benefit of building more of an authenticated credible historicity for the chivalric King Arthur by the testimony of another author validating the existence of chivalric Arthur with wife. These illusions were easily fabricated by using the name of a now dead Caradoc. ‘Caradoc’s Life of Gildas was written before 1144491 and because Henry’s interpolation into GR3 casually mentions Gildas at Glastonbury as if such a detail were inconsequential, we can determine William of Malmesbury is obviously dead and his GR work is now being interpolated with information which corroborates an archaic provenance into the dark ages.

491According to the date of completion for Modena, one must assume Life of Gildas written 1139-40

We know the GR3 interpolations were realised to coincide with the early apostolic foundation interpolations in DA in 1144 (not a Joseph foundation).  Gildas’ presence at Glastonbury was then expanded upon in DA, but let it be understood that Gildas was never at Glastonbury writing his De Excidio et Conquestu Britanniae. Gildas had already emigrated to Brittany where he founded a monastery known as St Gildas de Rhuys. The 9th century Rhuys Life of Gildas is generally accepted as being an accurate account of Gildas’ life and Caradoc’s version should be looked upon as having no validity at all…. but is an invention of Henry’s based loosely along the lines of the Life of St Cadoc.

The point of mentioning this is that if the date for the completion of the archivolt is correct c.1140 Henry must have conjured up his Melvas and Arthur concoction in the Life of Gildas where Gildas intervenes in the fictional episode at Glastonbury, prior to when Henry Blois had the opportunity to interpolate William’s work which transpired only after William of Malmesbury’s death in 1143. 

So, we can deduce that the fabricated Life of Gildas was concocted in response to the Canterbury taunts about the abbey of Glastonbury lacking antiquity and is somewhat a response to providing proof of Antiquity after the debacle of Glastonbury as an institution having received Eadmer’s letter in response to another of Henry’s false propaganda claims that Dunstan was buried at Glastonbury.

The Life of Gildas originally was composed then as a rebuttal to ostensibly prove an ecclesiastical establishment at Glastonbury (with an abbot) in antiquity…. but opportunely Henry added material that bolstered the historical persona of the chivalric Arthur and confirmed his existence in what the his own recently discovered Primary Historia had revealed in 1139.

Logically, the Life of Gildas must pre-date the 1144 interpolations of William’s work if the dates for the archivolt completion of 1140 are correct. Also, one telling sign that the Life of Gildas was fabricated as one of the first of Henry’s forays into the dark art of forgery is the fact that the etymology of Ineswitrin can be easily recognised as an addition to the main Life of Gildas manuscript.

The last paragraph which contains the bogus etymology is a later insertion, tagged on to a previously written Life of Gildas. The last paragraph only has one use…. and that is to substantiate the 601 charter. In effect, through the etymology, Ineswitrin becomes an ‘estate’ on the island of Glastonbury but the charter in reality refers to the donating of a Devonian Island which now appears to relate to the locality of Glastonbury.

The same polemic portraying Ineswitrin being commensurate with Glastonbury is obviously re-introduced later by Henry at the concoction of the charter of St Patrick; confirming his etymological farce found in the Life of Gildas just for the appearance of corroborative continuity.

In other words, in 1144, the 601 charter was hugely important in establishing the antiquity of Glastonbury, but only if it were understood that Ineswitrin was the old name for Glastonbury. However, Ineswitrin could never be at Glastonbury; it was in Devon! (proved by the fact that the King of Devon was donating the Island and the fact that the encryted geometry emphatically points to Burgh Island.

Initially the reasoning behind the composition of the Life of Gildas had nothing to do with a pursuit of metropolitan. At this early stage William of Malmesbury would have uncovered the 601 charter around 1130-4 and only later was the etymological corroboration employed in Life of Gildas to substantiate the relevance of the 601 charter. The object being to create the misunderstanding that Glastonbury was an identical location with Ineswitrin i.e. an ‘estate’ at Glastonbury.

So, it appears that Life of Gildas was employed before William’s death and after William’s researches at Glastonbury were concluded. In my opinion Life of Gildas was written after William had moved away from Glastonbury between 1135-9.     

However, after William’s death, Henry had the time to interpolate William’s most recent version of GR. This is the version which contains the Glastonbury interpolations in version B of GR3 which modern scholars naively believe are William’s words which I will cover later in the section on GR. Henry also concocted an amazing array of evidence in DA showing the pre-existence of a church in Western England prior to St Augustine’s arrival. The arrival of Augustine in 597 AD is what Canterbury’s primacy was founded upon.

Since Pope Lucius II only held the post of pope just over a year from 1144-1145, it shows that there was ample time to concoct evidence in William’s GR3 and DA before a presentation in Rome. It required only a few insertions into GR and in all probability…. Henry had the only copy of DA to exist after William had presented it to him.

Bishop Henry…set out for Rome, the year of his departure I cannot definitely place. But he obtained from the pope that the bishopric of Winchester should be created an archbishopric, the abbey of Hyde a bishopric and the bishop of Chichester should be subject to him. He did this on account of the incessant strife which continued between the bishop and the archbishop of Canterbury. For the legate wished to be considered greater than the archbishop and the archbishop greater than the legate.492

The continual struggle between Theobald and Henry went on for years each time the pope changed:

before the completion of this year the archbishop of Canterbury having had ordinary jurisdiction over the bishop of Winchester and he exercising the power of his legation from Rome over the archbishop, these two persons clashed against each other; and the peace of the churches being disturbed, they repaired to the Roman pontiff, bringing a question grateful to the Roman ear, in proportion to its weight. One of them indeed gained the cause; but neither returned without exhausted purse.493

Ralph de Diceto relates that pope Lucius sent a pall to Henry bishop of Winchester to whom he had proposed to assign seven bishops.494 Roger of Wendover puts the year at 1143, so this fits the time-line to re-arrange William of Malmesbury’s work in DA and GR to provide a convincing case for metropolitan in 1144: To this Henry, pope Lucius sent the pall, wishing to erect a new archbishopric at Winchester, and to place under him seven bishops.495

492Annales Monastici, II, 53

493William of Newburgh. 415

494Radulti de Diceto 255

495Roger of Wendover

When pope Lucius died on February 25th1145, the next pope Eugenius III, a Cistercian and friend of Bernard of Clairvaux was against Henry’s struggle for metropolitan. Metropolitan status had been instituted officially but the investiture had not transpired before pope Lucius’s death and it was certainly no investiture was going to happen under Eugenius III. Henry’s Metropolitan was in effect revoked.

When Eugenius summoned all the bishops to a council in Rheims in March 1148 King Stephen had the pope’s envoys delivering the summons expelled from England.  It was also Pope Eugene III who presided over Canterbury’s claim to primacy over the Welsh in Theobald’s term of office. Eugene III decided in 1148 in Canterbury’s favour against Henry’s friend Bernard who was after the same metropolitan status.

Bernard died in 1148 and this is why both Sees are mentioned in the Merlin prophecies updated version because they had existed in the version of the prophecies which was present with the First Variant.

King Stephen went to Canterbury and tried to prevent archbishop Theobald attending the council at Rheims. Gervaise rightly attributes this intervention to Henry Blois. Henry obviously got his way for a time, as Theobald was banished and a rapprochement took place between Henry and his brother Stephen.

Theobald slipped out of England at night and crossed the channel to attend the council even though Stephen had the ports watched. Those that did not attend the council were suspended from office by Eugene III. Even though the other insular ecclesiastics were reinstated by Theobald the archbishop when he returned to England…. Henry Blois was singled out and could only be absolved by the pope. He therefore had to make another trip to Rome. 

Henry Blois’ other brother of note, Count Theobald of Blois, was on friendly terms with the Cistercians and he negotiated that Henry would be able within a six-month period to seek absolution from the pope for his meddling.

So, Henry arrived in front of the pope in 1149 and received absolution, but his plans to revive the already granted metropolitan were refused. Henry requested that he be freed from the jurisdiction of Canterbury obviously showing the evidence of proofs of primacy in support of his metropolitan with which he had convinced pope Lucius.

On this second attempt at securing metropolitan status in 1149,  Henry may have thought it prudent to add more flesh to the claim by adding St. Patrick’s charter to the DA. This is the most probable reason the charter seems to follow subsequently a previous apostolic polemic found posited in GR3 and fully embellished in DA i.e. this was the reason the names of Phagan and Deruvian were employed in the second attempt.

The St Patrick charter would of course coincide with author B’s tentative testimony of Patrick at Glastonbury. Henry would of course have Caradoc’s Life of Gildas testimony with the Ineswitrin etymology which substantiates the 601 charter. There would also be corroboration of Phagan and Deruvian from the First Variant HRB. If one adds this to both interpolated works of William of Malmesbury’s GR3and DA, it must have made a compelling case.

 However, Eugene III was not going to dilute Canterbury’s primacy or authority and Henry Blois was refused. Because of the personal envy between Henry and Theobald, Henry then asked for personal exemption from Theobald’s jurisdiction, but this was also refused; and it was obvious Eugene III was out to curb Henry’s power and ambitions spurred on by Bernard of Clairvaux.

John of Salisbury writes on Henry’s trip to Rome in 1149: After being publicly received back into favour, he began to intrigue with Guy of Summa, bishop of Ostia,496 Gregory of St Angelo497 and other friends (as they afterward confessed) to secure a pallium for himself and become archbishop of western England.

 

As I covered, Archbishop Theobald had disobeyed King Stephen’s orders and attended the council of Rheims. Theobald was ordered to leave the country upon his return; and this was all manipulated by Henry Blois because he had not obtained his metropolitan and as John of Salisbury records for this period; Henry was believed to be instigating his brother the King against the church.498

496On September 23, 1149 Eugenius III consecrated Guido de Summa Bishop of Ostia. He died in 1151.

497It would be interesting to know the relationship between Guy of Summa, bishop of Ostia and Gregory of St Angelo and Henry Blois; and especially, of what their ‘intrigue’ consisted. How were they originally to help Henry? Is it that Gregory of St Angelo was so named after the Mausoleum of Hadrian, usually known as Castel Sant’ Angelo in Rome?  Hadrian’s ashes were placed here in 138 AD along with his first adopted son, Lucius Aelius, who also died in 138 AD. Now, it would not surprise me that Gregory of St Angelo’s involvement had to do with the planting of evidence in the mausoleum which had something to do with an apostolic foundation in Britain or at least Lucius being made to appear as the King Lucius in Bede. (A King Lucius biography in Britain is entirely concocted in HRB as we shall cover and has no historic truth). Gregory of St Angelo having anything to do with Henry Blois’ substantiation of King Lucius is of course speculation. Let us not forget that not only was Henry Blois set on being metropolitan bishop of Western England, he also would have had one eye on the position of pope and this may have been the intrigue.

498Historia Pontificalis,78

Archbishop Theobald, through much wrangling and possible threats from the pope concerning the succession of King Stephen’s son Eustace, was then allowed to return to England. However, Theobald was also granted the legation by Eugene III. It was during these turbulent times that the DA took on its first interpolations to comply with what I have called Henry’s ‘first agenda’.

To think the First Variant was not presented as a proof to papal authorities would be silly given that Henry had already written the Primary Historia and with a few changes…. it could act as historical evidence in his case for metropolitan. Glastonbury was not mentioned in HRB and Caradoc (the supposed author of Life of Gildas) was a known historian, and William of Malmesbury’s work was well respected. Who would suspect Henry’s authorial interpolative input of these manuscripts?

In many places, Henry refers to Winchester in HRB so that its antiquity is established. It was even founded at the same time as Canterbury should that be an objection in the contention over primacy: After him, reigned his son Hudibras nine-and-thirty years, who, after the civil dissensions, did restore concord among the people and founded Kaerlem, that is, Canterbury. He also founded Kaerguen, which is Winchester.499

That Winchester had an ancient church was attested to by Henry’s bogus History: Constans, the eldest born, he made over to the church of Amphibalus in Winchester.500 If popes Lucius II or Eugenius III had any doubts about whether the metropolitan should be granted, the most famous of British prophets had predicted such an occurrence: Hither, thou Cambria, and bringing Cornwall with thee at thy side, say unto Winchester: ‘The earth shall swallow thee: transfer the See of the shepherd thither….501Examples of Henry’s polemic are many in both the Merlin prophetia and the narrative of HRB, but one should not forget he actually could show a very archaic 601 charter which proved the pre-existence of a religious institution at Glastonbury prior to Augustine.

499HRB. II, ix

500HRB. V, viii

501HRB. VII, iv

After all Henry Blois’ attempts to establish his own Metropolitan had been thwarted,  to re-establish his power in Britain after his return from Clugny in 1158, Henry hatched the plan to create a history that would challenge the primacy of Rome itself.

One of the main tasks of this investigation is to answer the question posed by modern scholars; how did Henry Blois light upon the name of Joseph of Arimathea? 

Joseph of Arimathea lore at Glastonbury did not materialise as the present scholastic community assumes.  Joseph lore at Glastonbury originated from the mention of his name in the prophecy of Melkin.  But, if the stupidity persists in denying the existence of the validity of the Melkin prophecy, the blind will continue to lead the blind.  In Melkin’s prophecy is the twist of fate that until now has prevented anyone finding Ineswitrin, yet (through Henry Blois’ authorial inventions) has perpetuated the original reason for Joseph’s connection with the British Isles.

Ineswitrin was not a known or identifiable location until Henry associated it with Glastonbury. So, Henry posing as Caradoc in his Life of Gildas had stated it is the ancient name for Glastonbury. However, Henry changed the truth of what the Melkin prophecy originally stated, purely in association with his second agenda, which concerns Avalon.            

So, what was in essence a real Island in Devon with the remains of Joseph buried within it, became a fictionally named Insulla Avallonis which was now commensurate with Arthur’s last known location which became Glastonbury after King Arthur’s bogus disinterment.

The initial objective of composing the misleading etymology in the Life of Gildas was to add credence to the 601 charter in that it appeared to apply to Glastonbury and hence proved its Antiquity.  However, what can also be seen is Henry’s cleverness in his interpolation of William502 where he provides a proof and reasoning behind the etymological swap by having us believe that when the Saxons came they initially grabbed land that they were later to give back; and hence (we are led to understand) the reasoning that the five cassates were in fact Glastonbury’s originally.

502DA. Chap 35… although that estate (Ineswitrin) and many others were granted to Glastonbury in the time of the Britons, as is plain from the preceding, yet when the English drove out the Britons, they being pagans, seized the lands that had been granted to the churches before finally restoring the stolen lands….

 This in effect nullifies any enquiry into why no-one refers to Glastonbury by the name of Ineswitrin in any previous manuscript. In effect, Henry had trans-located Ineswitrin in Devon to be understood as synonymous with Glastonbury. As we covered earlier, not even Grimmer is duped by Henry Blois’ translocation of the Devonian island to Glastonbury.

Henry’s initial propaganda which converts Glastonbury as being synonymous with Ineswitrin became a problem of consistency later for Henry, especially when he set about his ‘second agenda’; the establishing of Avalon to be synonymous with Glastonbury. Logically, if Avalon were the previous name of Glastonbury at the time of King Arthur, and St Patrick, how had it become Ineswitrin in the 601 era soon after it was supposedly called Avallon?

Let there be no further misunderstanding; Henry Blois is the instigator behind locating a fictionally named Avalon at Glastonbury.  It is his change of agendas which has caused such confusion, his coalescing and consolidating of evidences in DA which tie together contradictions. This is not the work of a later consolidating editor.  If Gildas was at Glastonbury in the bogus Life of Gildas and Ineswitrin was established as Glastonbury in that manuscript of Henry Blois’ composition (supposedly by Caradoc for Henry’s first agenda purposes) and the St Patrick charter as well put forward as corroborating this fact; the St Patrick charter then converts Ineswitrin back to Avalon to fulfil Henry Blois’ second agenda i.e. the St Patrick charter corroborates Henry’s previous insinuation by seamlessly making all three names appear to be in one location.

This appears more unclear than it really is. Henry’s second agenda was to have HRB’s chivalric Arthur found at Avalon which would be made clear (confirmed for posterity) by the discovery of the written message on the leaden cross at the unearthing of the manufactured grave of King Arthur and Guinevere.

However, as we have established, Henry had based his idea of a locationless Avalon Island in HRB from the Island mentioned in the prophecy of Melkin. Only through propaganda and the manufacturing of the grave at Glastonbury complete the location of Avalon at Glastonbury.

The real problem arrives when Henry starts to integrate Joseph into Glastonbury lore in the first two chapters of DA, which were added last and after he had disseminated his Grail lore. It is this coalescing of different agendas in Henry’s lifetime which has confounded modern scholars in the assessment of interpolations in DA…. which they assume is dependent upon the emergence of Grail stories from the continent after Henry had died.

The prophecy of Melkin is the key, but Henry did not want to be found holding it or associated with it, as much of his inspiration came from it.  If the link was discovered, it would lead back to him. However, since the Melkin prophecy itself was the root cause of inspiration to Henry’s muses in the evolving construction of the ‘Matter of Britain’ and Henry understood the prophecy was not a fake; he was not going to destroy it. Henry placed the Melkin prophecy in some literature which has not come down to posterity. This is how it came to be recorded by John of Glastonbury.

The one auspicious change in fortune is that it has now got Henry’s handprint on it with the change of name to his fictional Avalon. The invented name of Avalon had first appeared in his concoction of the First Variant HRB.

After the introduction of a Joseph foundation at Glastonbury in Henry’s second agenda, it was necessary to change the name on the prophecy from Ineswitrin to comply with Henry’s completely concocted name of Avalon, which as we know, was based on a town name in Burgundy. Hence, this is why we have a completely fictitious name on an absolutely accurate geometrical set of directions to Joseph’s tomb. The reasons why Henry did not include the Melkin prophecy in the DA are many but all have to do with the traceability to him and I will deal with this under the section on DA.

It is safe to assume that the ‘Matter of Britain’ and specifically Joseph lore at Glastonbury did not happen as a fortuitous set of circumstances as certain scholars attest.  Also, on Giraldus’s testimony it becomes evident the tomb of Arthur was planted by Henry Blois long before its discovery. The reader should be aware that St. Patrick’s charter predates any mention of Joseph as his name is not in the charter. Certainly, the charter pre-dates the inclusion of Joseph into DA…. (It is not at all certain that the St Patrick charter was part of Henry’s evidence provided to papal authorities, however it seems likely).

We can posit therefore, Joseph would not have been in Henry’s earlier redaction of William’s DA which was presented to the pope. However, since a passage in chap 21 of GR3 exists which is the same in chap 31 of DA where Arthur’s burial place is posited; it seems unlikely that Henry, while pursuing metropolitan status at Rome, had decided at that era, to plant a set of bones in a grave at Glastonbury.

By the casual addition to the similar passage which states where Arthur is located in DA… it evidences that the planting of Arthur’s grave to be discovered in Avalon is all part of Henry’s second agenda. Yet, the initial interpolations had been composed anyway in GR3 and DA by Henry for the earlier agenda. Confirmation of this reverse in chronology is evidenced in that…. the two first chapters in DA which essentially consolidate all previous contradictions were inserted last and introduce Joseph into Glastonbury Lore.

It is plain from the St Patrick’s charter and Alfred of Beverley’s mention of Avalon that before 1150, Henry had come up with the name Avalon and we know it was in the First Variant which preceded Vulgate.503 As we have discussed Huntingdon would have mentioned Avalon if it had been in the Primary Historia and is a definitive indicator of the two agendas of Henry separated over time.

.503The First Variant is in fact a misnomer in that it is not a variant on what is presumed to be the Vulgate which scholarship assumes preceded it. The First Variant evolved from the Bec Primary Historia set to target and appeal to an ecclesiastical audience i.e. the pope at Rome.

However, the Primary Historia was not the finished product of what is now commonly understood as the Vulgate HRB. The Vulgate edition stems from c.1155 (certainly the updated prophecies found within it cannot be earlier) and we can understand through what Alfred of Beverley relates; that up until that date the Historia was in a state of transition. As I have said, the pseudo-history, (the pre-cursor to the Primary Historia) was started as a potential presentation copy to the future queen Matilda.

William’s GR was similarly destined to her. The difference between GR and pseudo Historia was one volume was interesting and a highly entertaining novel and portrayed a bogus precedent of past queens in Insular history…. the other was a serious conscientious account of History. 

One indicator for the commencement of the pseudo-history is the inclusion of the traitor Anacletus.  Antigonus and his comrade Anacletus found in book one of HRB helps us to find a date not before 1130.504  The fact that Anacletus died in 1138 has little to do with the pseudo-history’s development into the Primary Historia; as we know in 1138 Henry was splicing his Welsh Arthuriad into an already completed pseudo-history which had been put on hold since Henry Ist death; mainly because it had become redundant (in its original purpose) now Stephen was King.

504Anacletus II an Antipope who ruled from 1130 and died January 25, 1138. He became the Antipope in a schism against the contested, hasty election of Pope Innocent II. One can be sure that if Henry’s pursuit of Metropolitan was possible to be obtained, he would have gone to Anacletus as he had also been at the abbey of Cluny. It was not until William of Malmesbury had died in 1143 that the evidence provided in DA and GR could be concocted. In 1130, Pope Honorius II lay dying and the cardinals decided that they would entrust the election to a commission of eight men, led by papal chancellor Haimeric, who had his candidate hastily elected as Pope Innocent II. He was consecrated on February 14, the day after Honorius’ death. On the same day, the other cardinals announced that Innocent had not been canonically elected and chose Anacletus.

William’s GR completion and his relation to Henry Blois at Glastonbury were probably the germ and stimulus for Henry’s planning and undertaking the similar endeavour of the pseudo-history. This then evolved into the Primary Historia.  Henry had written part of the book i.e. the pseudo-history before going to Normandy in 1137-8. It was in 1137-8 Henry concocted or expanded the Arthurian epic and spliced this onto a Brutus history up to Vortigern. He ended his history to where the recently died Caradoc had started his chronological history.  As I have stated before, first hand knowledge of the Welsh topography and geography displayed in HRB was derived from Henry Blois’ visit to Wales in 1136….. where no doubt being a keen architect, Henry Blois was struck by Caerleon the remains of its amphitheatre, fortress and Roman baths. Henry imagined the place as King Arthur’s court and even Giraldus was impressed with the ruins:

Caerleon, an ancient and authentic city, excellently and well built in ancient times by the Romans. Many vestiges of its former splendour may yet be seen, mighty and huge palaces with gilded roofs in imitation of the magnificence of Rome; a town sprawling in size with wonderful bath buildings, the remains of theatres and temples surrounded by fine walls, some of which are still standing.

As we have discussed previously, Henry had thought he was going to be metropolitan archbishop of Canterbury after William of Corbeil had died. Orderic Vitalis relates: Henry was elected as metropolitan. But since by canon law a bishop can only be translated from his own see to another church by the authority of the pope….

So, in order to get consent in 1137 for his translation from Winchester to Canterbury from pope Innocent, Henry set off to meet the pope at Pisa, but luckily for us, he was side-tracked into acting as vice-regent or envoy in Normandy for his brother King Stephen, sorting out the rebellious Baldwin who was being supported by Matilda causing mayhem to supporters of Stephen. If it had not been for this twist of fate, I doubt we would have had a Primary Historia deposited at Bec.

Anyway, because of this twist of fate and the Beaumont’s jealousy of Henry, Theobald was elected and the rest is history. We could speculate that the reason Stephen passed over Henry’s election as Archbishop is because of what transpired in Normandy. It is a possibility that Henry might have done some deal while in Normandy with Matilda. This is hinted at in various chronicles and Henry spends his time in GS, subtly dissuading us from this point of view.

We know Henry was at Bedford anyway, so, what I am suggesting is that because Henry was delayed seeing the pope, he got wind in the first half of 1138 that events were happening behind his back and returned to England to be present at the siege.505 Just before his return to England Henry must have deposited the Primary Historia at Bec and coincidentally (or not), it was Theobald of Bec that was given his position as Archbishop. Henry could not believe his brother could have been so ungrateful and deceitful, especially as he thought they were working as siblings in trust and had an agreement. Without Henry’s efforts, the crown would never have lighted upon Stephen’s head.

505Bedford castle was controlled by Simon de Beauchamp, the son of Hugh de Beauchamp. Simon died in 1137, and King Stephen agreed that Simon’s daughter should marry Hugh the Pauper.  The castle would be passed to Hugh, in exchange for Stephen giving Miles certain compensation and additional honours. Miles and Payn de Beauchamp, the children of Simon’s brother, Robert de Beauchamp, refused to hand the castle over to Hugh saying that the castle was rightfully Miles’.  Even though Miles de Beauchamp declared himself in support of Stephen, in the contention with Matilda, the King decided to take Bedford Castle before marching north to deal with the invasion of David from Scotland. Stephen besieged the castle, but Miles was prepared for a long siege. Stephen could not enter the castle so left a force to starve it into submission whilst he went north to tackle David’s Scottish invasion. Henry intervened to produce a negotiated settlement. Henry reached an agreement whereby after five weeks, the castle finally surrendered.  The occupants were allowed to leave, but the castle was handed over to Stephen. Miles and Henry had made an agreement, but in 1141 Miles retook the castle and because of this Henry as author of GS has little favourable to say of Miles.

  If Henry could show that ‘Western England’s’ first church was founded by Eleutherius’s preachers in 166 AD, and this had been researched by a credible historian, the value of Henry’s first agenda of a Phagan and Deruvian foundation and their names as an addition to the First Variant is openly exposed; especially when Phagan and Deruvian had not been mentioned in Primary Historia in Huntingdon’s synopsis.

For clarity’s sake, it is worth noting that what I have termed Henry’s ‘first agenda’ can be classified into two portions. It involves Henry’s obsession with obtaining metropolitan status for western England. The lines are slightly blurred in that the invention concerning Gildas and the abbot at Glastonbury at the kidnap of Guinevere in the Life of Gildas had nothing to do with his metropolitan agenda. The reason for Henry’s composition and impersonation of Caradoc of Llancarfan may have been incidentally to substantiate Arthurian lore but mainly to counter Osbern’s claim that Dunstan was the first Abbot; the text of Life of Gildas obviously countering that fact by advocating there was an abbot there in the era which Gildas lived which was of known date.

Caradoc’s/Henry’s concocted account makes plain through its polemic that there was an abbot in Gildas’ era and that abbot received extra lands….. an agenda which was close to Henry’s own efforts at the time of composition of the manuscript. The other two parts to what I have termed Henry’s ‘first agenda’, specifically constitute the interpolations in GR3 and DA concerning an apostolic or disciplic foundation at Glastonbury. This took place in 1144 after William of Malmesbury’s death. However, there is a second part of Henry’s ‘first agenda’ which took place in 1149 and most likely specifically includes the fabrication or addition to DA of the St Patrick charter.

What I have termed Henry’s ‘second agenda’ transpires post 1155 and apart from Henry’s efforts to cause rebellion against Henry II as seen in the prophecies, the secondary agenda concerns itself mainly in the transposition, translocation, or conversion506 of Henry Blois’ invention at that time of a non-locational Avalon mentioned in HRB to locating it at Glastonbury through further propaganda (in the VM’s Insula Pomorum) and by manufacturing a grave with an explicit leaden cross stating that the place it was going to be found at in the future was previously named Glastonbury.

The ultimate fulfilment of this illusion is of course Arthur’s disinterment and the very reason for planting the leaden cross next to Arthur’s supposed bones and then pointing out the location between the piramides in DA.  Also, the ‘second agenda’ includes the propagation of Joseph lore at Glastonbury and Joseph’s role in the ‘Matter of Britain’ propagated through DA and corroborated in Henry’s output of Grail literature on the continent, which was retold through Robert de Boron and Chrétien de Troyes directly from ‘Master Blihis’ who they had witnessed at the court of Champagne.

506Henry is trans-locating Ineswitrin to be synonymous with Glastonbury and yet the name Avalon (which is fictitious), is itself based on Ineswitrin the mystical island from the Melkin Prophecy; and Henry Blois is more concerned in his second agenda with converting the fictional Avalon in HRB to appear as synonymous with Glastonbury.

It could be that Henry in a very clever sleight of hand attempts to show that the GR was already finished before 1126 (which it was but not with Glastonbury additions i.e. the GR3 edition) and before his own arrival at Glastonbury…. so, he has William advocating an apostolic foundation and yet saying in GR3 he has no idea of the later missionary’s names. As we covered, this is an indication of a later introduction of their names in First Variant.

Yet Henry’s polemical intention would be to create the appearance that through William’s having searched out all the old charters while researching and compiling the DA, he is now in a position to state the names of the missionaries having found the St Patrick charter as appears to be the case in DA because they are named on it. Maybe the First Variant version of HRB which includes their names was only used in Henry’s application case for Metropolitan subsequently at Rome in 1149 in conjunction with the St Patrick charter and DA. (I shall cover this later).

I have been criticized already by modern scholars who think what I claim is Henry’s output would be too much to accept; i.e. the amount of interpolations I am claiming were made by Henry seems impossible. Don’t forget that most of the tracts I claim were interpolated could have just had a few folio’s rewritten and inserted and Henry Blois’ active mind did not waste the 75 years he was alive. To compare oneself with Cicero one would have to have a voluminous output i.e. the HRB, the Roman de Brut, Grail literature  not to mention the possibility that the four works of Robert de Boron were probably from Henry’s hand which I shall cover later on. 

The B version of GR3 is undoubtedly interpolated by Henry Blois and may only have been used in the first metropolitan case put forward which attempted to posit an apostolic foundation of Glastonbury. The insertion in GR3 tells us that the names of the missionaries sent by pope Eleutherius to King Lucius are lost in the mists of antiquity. But in the DA their names are given as Phagan and Deruvian, on the authority of the Charter of the St Patrick and the First Variant.

There is another indication that the GR3 interpolations were made before the invention of the St Patrick charter which applied to the later metropolitan attempt in 1149. The two sets of interpolations in DA and GR run together and for the most part concur; the GR obviously understated without the later invention of St Patrick’s charter says: ‘and there he (Patrick) became monk and abbot, and after some years paid the debt of nature’ confirming the tentative proposition made by Author B.

Once GR3 was interpolated to coincide with the first disciplic or apostolic foundation fraud, it was not updated thereafter507 in stark contrast to the DA which was updated on two further occasions while Henry was alive. We must consider that the consolidation of DA was carried out later and the possibility that the St Patrick charter (copy) may have been presented as a separate faked document in Rome and then only later to have been included in the textual content of DA by Henry.

Essentially, there is a contradiction between the Eleutherius missionaries coming to an already apostolically established church. It is difficult to see if one preceded the other or they were used together. It seems to me, one is a reflection of the 1144 attempt and the other which included the addition of the St Patrick charter pertains to Henry’s 1149 attempt with pope Eugenius. William of Malmesbury does not elsewhere in his historical works refer to the mission sent by Eleutherius at the request of King Lucius.

Henry sourced their names (as they may originally have been the founders of Winchester) and attached a date to their bogus deeds i.e. A.D. 167 in DA at Glastonbury.  Phagan and Deruvian’s names were attached to the story-line of the request of King Lucius which came from Bede’s mistake in a misinterpretation of the Liber Pontificalis, which I will get to later.

Essentially, Henry’s attempts to reinstate his legation had failed and he was annoyed at being subordinate to archbishop Theobald. A legation only survived the life of a pope before it was consigned to another or reappointed. Henry and Theobald sought to be Legate to counter each other’s power. Henry’s best strategy, since the popes at this period seemed to die in quick succession, was to obtain a metropolitan which was permanent and did not involve further supplication upon the death of each pope.

Henry, also, being a Cluniac had the Cistercians against him. But, pope Lucius liked Henry Blois and Bernard of Clairvaux’s ‘Whore of Winchester’ letter did not stop Henry Blois being granted the Metropolitan: Bishop Henry…set out for Rome, the year of his departure I cannot definitely place. But he obtained from the pope that the bishopric of Winchester should be created an archbishopric, the abbey of Hyde a bishopric and that the bishop of Chichester should be subject to him. He did this on account of the incessant strife which continued between the bishop and the arch bishop of Canterbury; for the legate wished to be considered greater that the Archbishop and the Archbishop greater than the legate.508

507Version C of GR has later interpolations made after Henry’s death.

508Annales Monastici, ii, 53. However, the writer has confused Innocent II with pope Lucius.

Through St Patrick’s charter and by their introduction into First Variant, Phagan and Deruvian became the founders of Glastonbury as recounted in DA. It is not by accident that Phagan and Deruvian are named in HRB…. nor is it by accident that the names of the preachers of Eleutherius are feigned to have been lost in time in GR3.509 Does it not seem odd that our interpolator even has to mention that their names are lost and then produce them in DA? Therein is the adage ‘by hiding the truth is the hidden truth revealed’.

Yet, only the gullible would believe that, William who composed his VD II after DA…. (this new information supposedly found out while researching DA), reveals nothing of the illustrious foundation of Glastonbury in that composition. VD II was completed after the main content of DA was already finished. It should be made clear to the reader that William was never aware that he was in the future to be the witness of an apostolic foundation or that there were named missionaries from Rome or even that he has found a charter of St Patrick.

It is ludicrous to think so and once scholarship understands Henry Blois’ device of writing history retrospectively, a greater insight will be achieved concerning GR3 and DA, HRB and the prophecies of Merlin.

There is no concern for the old church’s ‘rude’ construction of wattle, or its apostolic foundation found in VD II. The only reference is not to apostolic or the Phagan and Deruvian foundation, but merely that the first foundation transpired before Dunstan which is the main thrust of the argument against Osbern’s accusation: It was an ancient place as I have said, going back well beyond his time; but though it owes its first foundation to earlier benefactors, it is indebted to Dunstan for its new pre-eminence.510

509The common opinion is that it was written by William and then a later interpolator supplied the names. Not so, as we shall cover later.

510William of Malmesbury, Life of Dunstan book ii 10.4

Henry keeps his threads of evidence and propaganda separated so they do not lead back to him.  This has caused much confusion in the scholastic community. Henry makes no mention of Joseph until his post 1158 ‘second agenda’. Joseph is grafted as part of Grail lore on the continent and into Glastonbury lore. Melkin is never associated with Joseph by Henry in his propaganda but Melvas is associated with Arthur and Arthur with Avalon and Avalon with Joseph and Joseph (in reality) with the prophecy of Melkin…. without the connection of Ineswitrin to Joseph (originally in the prophecy).

So, the veil of confusion blurs the association of the 601 charter of Ineswitrin with the genuine Island in Devon on which Joseph’s relics reside…. by Henry’s ingenious etymological farce found in Caradoc’s Life of Gildas which transposes Ineswitrin to Glastonbury

No commentator has suspected Henry Blois as the prolific interpolator of DA. Most scholars assume the DA interpolations were concocted after the Glastonbury fire, but none explain the various contradictory foundation myths. The clever construction of the Patrick charter is clearly evidenced in the backdating through Patrick which leads back to Phagan and Deruvian who appear and are apparently corroborated in the First Variant. What is evident in VM, written between 1155 and 1158 is that Henry had given up continuing his quest for metropolitan status; as neither Merlin, Ganieda nor Taliesin in their predictions in VM mention the word metropolitan, yet it appears 11 times in First Variant and Vulgate.

Once Henry had given up the idea of obtaining a metropolitan, his attitude to Rome was subsequently unveiled in the Vulgate version of HRB. Anti-Roman sentiment which was not present in the First Variant is now displayed as part of the invective in speeches.  We have Hoel’s speech as an example. This, for obvious reasons is not in the Variant version but it would seem that with Henry’s dealings with the Roman Church he no longer courted favour with the papacy and included such insults against Rome as:

For if, in accordance with thine argument, thou art minded to go to Rome, I doubt not that the victory shall be ours, seeing that what we do justly demand of our enemies they did first begin to demand of us. Wherefore, since the Romans do desire to take from us that which is our own, beyond all doubt we shall take their own from them, so only we be allowed to meet them in the field. Behold, this is the battle most to be desired by all Britons. Behold the prophecies of the Sibyl that are witnessed by tokens true, that for the third time shall one of British race be born that shall obtain the empire of Rome.511

We also witness another example in Auguselus’s speech: ….that we have done to me seems as nought so long as the Romans and the Germans remain unharmed, and we revenge not like men the slaughter they have formerly inflicted upon our fellow-countrymen.512 One of the most interesting concoctions which Henry cleverly devises is found in the next piece below which will be well covered in the following chapters.

Henry Blois accords with the same story line as that found in DA.  Supposedly, the Christianity of the Britons flourished because of the mission of Pope Eleutherius…. mistakenly posited by Bede.  The original foundation myth of Glastonbury is fabricated on this with Phagan and Deruvian added for good measure along with the Disciplic foundation.  Latterly, this became a Josephian foundation. Henry’s ‘second agenda’ is cleverly built upon his first agenda of the apostolic/disciplic foundation for Glastonbury. Henry’s gambit is to show the Britons were not subject to Rome or Augustine (read Canterbury):

Meanwhile Augustine was sent by the blessed Pope Gregory into Britain to preach the Word of God unto the English, who, blinded by heathen superstition, had wholly done away with Christianity in that part of the island which they held. Howbeit, in the part belonging to the Britons the Christianity still flourished which had been held there from the days of Pope Eleutherius and had never failed amongst them. But after Augustine came, he found in their province seven bishoprics513 and an archbishopric provided with most godly prelates besides a number of abbacies wherein the Lord’s flock held right order. Amongst others there was in the city of Bangor a certain most noble church wherein was said to be such a number of monks that when the monastery was divided into seven portions with a prior set over each, not one of them had less than three hundred monks, who did all live by the labour of their own hands. Their abbot was called Dinoot, and was in marvellous wise learned in the liberal arts. He, when Augustine did demand subjection from the British bishops, in order that they might undertake in common the task of preaching the Gospel unto the English people, made answer with divers arguments, that they owed no subjection unto him as of right, nor were they minded to bestow their preaching upon their enemies, seeing that they had an archbishop of their own, and that the nations of the Saxons did persist in withholding their own.514

511HRB IX, xvii

512HRB.  IX, xviii

513It just so happens, Henry attempted to raise Winchester into a metropolitan See over Salisbury, Exeter, Wells, and Chichester, Hereford and Worcester and also creating a new bishopric for Hyde abbey. Not by coincidence, Ralph de Diceto relates that pope Lucius sent a pall to Henry bishop of Winchester to whom he had proposed to assign seven bishops. Fancy that!! The same precise See Henry Blois is working toward with frequent trips to Rome already existed before St Augustine arrived. When will Julia Crick our authority on ‘Geoffrey’, open her eyes and see Henry Blois as the author of HRB instead of leading another generation of scholars into the quagmire of ‘Geoffrey’s’ false trail.

514HRB XI, xii

I will cover in progression that ‘Wace’s’ Roman de Brut was started in translation from HRB’s Latin prose to Anglo-Norman vernacular verse by Henry Blois using the template of First Variant. So, neither ‘Wace’s’ version nor First variant version mentions the altars of Jove and Mercury when Brutus consults the oracle of Diana. This is simply because the First Variant is aimed at the Roman Christian audience of the Vatican. Also, in the First Variant, there is a general toning down of sexuality. For example Membricus’s homosexuality is not mentioned and other religious details which would offend papal authorities such as souls being sent to ‘ad tartara’ are also omitted.

Henry Blois tailored the First Variant copy using more Biblical allusions515 and phraseology, omitting offensive material on homosexuality and rape and even gory details, and generally presenting a copy which had less anti-Roman sentiment than the succeeding Vulgate version.516 Instances of these attempts to tone down unpalatable details can be witnessed in the conversation between Bedwer, Arthur’s butler and Helen’s nurse and also in the omission of the fantastic story of Brian cutting off a slice of his thigh, roasting it and serving it to King Cadwallo in place of venison. These were additional fictional parts of the storyline to fascinate and were embellishments in the yet unfinished Vulgate version, not omissions!

515To give a few examples of the variant version’s fondness for biblical phraseology: King Dumwallo fought so bravely that “terra . . . siluit in conspectu eius.” In speaking of Belinus, “nec cessavit gladius eius a mane usque ad vesperam Romanos caedere.” King Morwinus meets the invading enemy “cum manu valida.” To the envoys of Cassibelaunus who plead with Androgeus to arrange peace for him with Caesar, Androgeus replies that he does not intend to repay him with “malum pro malo” and pleading Cassibelaunus’ cause with Caesar he implores him not to punish Cassibelaunus “iuxta sua scelera.” King Uther’s love for Igerna is compared to that of King David for Bathsheba and the army of Aurelius Ambrosius was so great “ut arenae maris comparari posset.” All these biblical allusions are absent in the vulgate text.

516It is not silly to speculate that the later Vulgate version, which has such blatant anti-Roman speeches in it, are a reflection of the era when Stephen had attempted to have his son Eustace crowned King and was denied by Rome. Henry himself as a Cluniac had little allegiance to Rome and the Vulgate version of HRB may reflect an attitude of British independence from Rome. In this case since Winchester was long established as a monastic house in antiquity by what was written in HRB, if Rome’s authority were excluded, Henry would have precedence over Canterbury.

))The alterations of many of the speeches and sections regarding personages in history is primarily due to the fact that Henry Blois in 1144 is attempting to concord or parallel as closely as possible to known facts in annals Roman and Insular.  At the same time, he is also trying to skew history so that the fictitious semblance of his history is maintained so that his propaganda about the Britons is tenable.

Such variances involve the transference of power from the Britons and so Gormandus’ invasion of Logria by 160,000 Africans is invented to bridge from known history to Henry’s fanciful portrayal of it. However, no Welsh cleric in Oxford would have read one of the earliest chansons de geste, Gormont et Isembart dating to c.1068. These Chansons were for Norman consumption and not for the Welsh. Where would a cleric at Oxford having come from Monmouth (with Ralf) have read this material and then decided on Gormond to bridge his history because there is nothing about Logria in Gormont et Isembart.

 All the evidence in this work points out that Henry Blois is Geoffrey but will Crick, Carley, Wright,Reeve, Archibald, Shoaf and hundreds of other supposed scholars get off the gravy train and start at the beginning by recognising ‘who’ composed the HRB rather than chasing their tails and lauding each other trying to pin down a fictional Geoffrey.

‘Geoffrey’ in the First Variant version, appears to curtail some of the speeches that have anti-Roman rhetoric found in Vulgate HRB such as we saw in Hoel’s speech. There is no curtailing but the speeches were composed at an earlier time and later edited in the Vulgate version. In the Variant version some of the speeches are thought to be slightly abbreviated or paraphrased, for example, the short speech of Membricius, or the plea of Conwenna; but these are examples of less embellishment (not yet fully expanded), not a case of a cut down First Variant….. as is assumed by modern scholars. Other speeches are omitted like that of Maurice, son of Caradoc, duke of Cornwall, to Maximianus, inviting him to come to Britain because Henry has not completely developed this historical transition as yet.

Anything that blatantly runs contrary to Roman annals or might offend Roman sentiment is omitted rather than polemically expanded as in the later Vulgate version. In the Vulgate text Maurice, upon arriving at Rome, delivers an address to Maximianus in which he points out all the reasons why Maximianus should accept the crown of Britain.  In the Variant it is vastly unexpanded (rather than reduced). The lack of manuscript evidence for the First Variant indicates it was the precursor of the massively copied Vulgate.

In the Vulgate Historia, ‘Geoffrey’ implies that about 250 years have transpired between the death of Cadwallader and the exile of the Britons to Armorica which marks the end of British dominion. Henry makes out that definitive Anglo-Saxon rule is in Athelstan’s reign from 924-39 which is at variance with the gist that British dominion ended around the seventh century.

For obvious reasons Henry Blois in the First Variant has to keep Cadwallader at the Arthurian end of the Historia but he changes chronology between the end of British rule and beginning of the Saxon by having the tenth century Athelstan as a contemporary of Cadwallader. This whole re-think is from a Primary Historia framework which allows all sorts of anachronisms to a First Variant which was going to be scrutinised by Papal authorities as Henry Blois tries to bring the Bedan chronology of Anglo-Saxon dominion to synchronise with his case for the Early Christian church in Britain. It is plainly the reasoning behind such changes.

However, as we shall discuss in the section on Henry Blois’ impersonation of Wace, we can see why Wace attempts to reconcile ‘Geoffrey’s’ Vulgate HRB with the First Variant by providing Aethelstan with the correct Genealogy. Also, we can see traces of chronology edition in ‘Wace’s’ supposed work attempting to reconcile Henry’s first story-line of Stonehenge with Uther Pendragon found in the Primary Historia related by Huntingdon in EAW.

What may have been Henry’s initial story-line needs adjusting for purpose…. that of convincing the pope to award Henry the metropolitan.  It is for this reason also that the speech of Caradoc to King Octavius, advising him to appoint Maximianus his successor is omitted on these grounds.

The speech of archbishop Guithelinus metropolitan of London to his countrymen is omitted as the similarity to Henry Blois is too obvious. Guithelinus formed from Guitolinus in Nennius is the statesman and ‘Warrior Ecclesiastic’ like Henry himself and coincidentally a man of great eloquence.  Other addresses in First Variant such as that of Gorlois, duke of Cornwall and the speech of Auguselus, King of Albania are so different (unexpanded) both in form and content that they hardly resemble their counterparts in the fully developed Vulgate text.

Since the aim of Henry Blois is to convince papal authorities of Western England’s long tradition of Christianity, he follows more closely the historical annals of Bede and introduces pertinent extracts based on Landolfus Sagax which help to substantiate his case and also follows Roman Annals more closely.  The only problem with trying to align with known history in the story-line of the First Variant is that it throws up some contradictions which are then ignored in Vulgate HRB as Henry no longer becomes a slave to corroboration, liberalising the storyline from historical sources.

Modern scholars are still bemused as to why the First Variant version follows closely known sources by comparison to the Vulgate version. Henry Blois is merely falling in with the annals so that the First Variant’s historicity seems to parallel the histories and chronicles, so as  make the manuscript less like a concoction of inaccurate history, but a true historical account.   In the Vulgate text the opening lines of the fourth book read as follows: Interea contigit, ut in Romanis reperitur historiis, Iulium Caesarem, subiugata Gallia, ad litus Rutenorum venisse.

The text of the Variant Version reads: Interea contigit, ut in Romanis reperitur historiis, Iulium Caesarem, subiugata Gallia, in Britanniam transisse; sic enim scriptum est anno ab Urbe Condita sescentesimo nonagesimo tertio, ante vero Incarnationem Domini sexagesimo anno. Iulius Caesar, primus Romanorum, Britones bello pulsavit, in navibus onerariis et actuariis circiter octoginta advectus.

The Variant Version adds the date of Caesar’s invasion of Britain and the number of his ships. The source is obviously Bede, Eccl. Hist. 1.2.

Henry is just reiterating known events to establish his historicity for HRB. The idea of a source book had not yet revealed itself to Henry Blois’ muses as the providential source of the HRB. Archdeacon Walter dies in 1151. We know therefore, that if any Variant has a dedication to Robert Duke of Gloucester it must post date 1147. If any copy of HRB mentions Walter it must postdate 1151 or have corrections if written beforehand.  Hammer’s version517 has the dedication at the beginning and so must have had it added or been distributed later than 1151.

 517Hammer’s view is that the Variant version was written by some other than ‘Geoffrey’: who, then, is responsible for this recension which heretofore found shelter sub umbra Galfredi? Who is this mysterious writer who adorned his product with so many biblical quotations who knew Terence, Vergil, Bede and others and who must have had access to some Welsh material as well? That he must have been a man of learning cannot be denied. The facility with which he quotes the Scriptures suggests a cleric who, fascinated by Geoffrey’s Historia and sharing its point of view, decided to refashion it in his own way and in the process of doing so, left on the new product the imprint of his own personality. A silly theory to say the least!!!!

However, there is no Alexander dedication affixed to the updated set of prophecies now in the Cistercian fourteenth century copies.  As we have said, the most likely reasoning is that there was a basic early set of prophecies in the First Variant (not dedicated), which, as a block, was updated at a later date.  As we have covered, to have the ‘Sixth’ (which is Henry II), in Ireland can only occur after the council which Henry attended in 1155 at Michaelmas.

The tendency of the Variant to go back to older sources is purely so that Henry’s dubious Arthuriana splice and concocted history seems more plausible to those considering the merits of awarding the metropolitan status for Southern England based on this fabrication of history. This is clearly witnessed in the description of Britain; the composition of which ‘Geoffrey’ used passages from Bede, Gildas and Nennius which he had skilfully woven together with elegance and style.

A comparison, however, between the description of Britain in the Vulgate text with that of the First Variant version shows that, except for a few phrases in the Vulgate text, the First Variant version is an almost literal transcript of passages from Bede.

Of the MSS of the First Variant…. they can all be put down to redactions stemming from Henry’s changing ‘agenda’s’. Of the pure and conflated First Variants when compared to the Vulgate; virtually the only part remaining constant are the prophecies. This backs up my summation which harks back to the late insertion of the updated prophecies in the exemplar of the First Variant to the time the updated prophecies were spliced into the Vulgate.

This throws up further complications (concerning the Durham cathedral chapter Library MS C.iv.27), (which will be discussed in the chapter on Wace), as the versified Merlin prophecies which accompany Wace (even though he says he has not bothered to translate them) can be seen to be a versified form emanating from Henry Blois of what was the separate libellus Merlini before it was updated. The allusions to Henry and his ‘agendas’ are many regarding Metropolitan but there is no mention of the ‘Sixth in Ireland’ in the versified Durham set.    

The First Variant has no dedications, (except one which is probably a later correction) and no reference to Walter.  Passages from Orosius and Landolfus Sagax dealing with the Roman period are nearly verbatim as papal authorities could have verified (or would have known) synchronicity or historicity if not followed. The Variant in many cases employs reported discourse rather than the more dramatic direct speech more commonly employed in the Vulgate HRB. This again, would provide more the air of a history in the First Variant than a good read as witnessed in the later Vulgate version. It also lends to the proposition that the Vulgate HRB was created more as an interesting historic novel for entertainment rather than the more formal First Variant which tried to pass itself off as historically accurate.

It would be silly, given the fact that Henry employed the First Variant version specifically for his case of metropolitan (and given that we know the Vulgate was not fully completed until 1155), to assume that the First and hybrid Variants are anything other than a less developed and less expanded earlier version of the Vulgate.

Hammer’s notion that the variants were not written by Henry (Geoffrey) is as blind as not understanding that the French vernacular version was started (by Henry before he later posed as Wace when he made public his work), being based upon the First Variant story-line as a template, because the versified version was a work in progress prior to the Vulgate version being made public and therefore, logically, Henry finished off the Roman de Brut with the later Vulgate version.

It was 1156-7 when Henry completed Wace’s Roman de Brut. Henry had already completed the Vulgate, as the Roman de Brut parallels it as its source material in its second half. The First Variant is not an inferior recension of the Vulgate. It was composed for a different audience (in 1144) under different circumstances and earlier in evolution of the text to the Beverley copy or the 1155 finalised Vulgate version. It is illogical to think that ‘Geoffrey’ would remove his artistry rather than build upon it as the Historia evolved but one needs to understand the different editions were evolved for different purposes.

It is also silly to think that someone would start the versified version using a text that (scholars believe was not by the same author and is purported to have been published later) and then continue the work of versifying the HRB following the Vulgate text as a template to complete the later half of the Roman de Brut. This erroneous deduction made by scholars stems from an incorrect a priori which assumes the 1139 version found at Bec was the Vulgate text, when it is plainly not….. and can be witnessed as a wholly different version i.e. the Primary historia as is seen by the glaring differences found in the synopsis of HRB composed by Huntingdon in EAW.

The Vulgate is a reflection of a portrayal of the Primary Historia mixed with some First Variant evolutions and editions, fully developed with no constraint in its language or attitude in the storyline with the final updated prophecies included.

As we covered already, Adrian IV published the Papal Bull Laudabiliter, which was issued in 1155 whereby the English pope Adrian IV gave King Henry II the right to assume control over Ireland and apply the Gregorian reforms, and therefore…. since we know Henry Blois was at the meeting at Winchester, we can date the version of Merlin prophecies in the Vulgate to follow that date. Henry had refined,evolved and edited from Primary Historia through First Variant to Vulgate. this is also witnessed through the reasoning behind First Variant i.e. datable to 1144 to 1149  and also through the 1149 (Alfred’s copy? ex-dedicatees) through to 1155, when the updated prophecies were added. The updated version of the prophecies (as we have covered) also included the prophecies which incite rebellion against Henry II.

As long as we know to disregard Gaimar’s testimony, which is another of Henry’s ploys…. one can confidently say that Walter never gave a fictitious ‘Geoffrey’ any old book in the British language or obtained it from Brittany. Walter was dead when the Gaimar epilogue was composed by Henry Blois.  The urgency of distancing himself from possible discovery as the author of the Vulgate HRB became more accute because King Henry II was intent on finding out who had composed the seditious prophecies encouraging the Celts to revolt which were not in the previous set of Merlin prophecies.

Henry, it seems, was under pressure as the seditious prophecies were published. Henry devised a plan to make it appear that ‘Geoffrey’ had worked with others of reputation like Walter, Robert of Gloucester and Alexander.  The last thing Henry Blois wants is a witness who is alive.

Therefore, Walter is not mentioned at the start of Chapter eleven or 177 in the First Variant because Henry has not conceived of Walter as a corroborative and collaborative witness, from whom the source book was obtained.  Archdeacon Walter’s name was on the signed charters along with Ralf from Monmouth which inspired Henry to rename Galfridus Arthur as Geoffrey of Monmouth. Once Henry had seen the name of Ralf from Monmouth, this was the template for Henry to metamorphose to Geoffrey of Monmouth and sign alongside and pretend to be part of the Oxford clerical set and thus also was Walter’s name employed.

No blame can be foisted upon the dead bishop of Asaph for having merely translated an old book or an archdeacon for supplying it. Unfortunately, no-one has ever been able to verify what HRB pretends…. because by the time the First Variant has evolved to Vulgate HRB, there is no-one alive to whom a sceptic might enquire.518 After 1155 when ‘Geoffrey had been consigned to death, those that did make enquiries assumed ‘Geoffrey’ had resided in Asaph.

Walter’s role is fabricated in the Vulgate: Geoffrey of Monmouth will not stay silent even about this, most noble earl, but according as he has found it in the British book mentioned before, and has heard from Walter of Oxford, a man familiar with many histories, he will tell in his own mean style of the battles which that renowned King upon his return to Britain after this victory did fight with his nephew.519

518The only exceptions to this rule of employing the names of the dead are Robert de Chesney as dedicatee of VM and the Count of Meulan in HRB. However, since Henry outlived de Chesney (D.1166), the prologue in which the dedication is found could well have been added after his death. This same rule applies to the HRB dedicated to Waleran de Meulan who died in 1166. To my mind, because these two died at the date they did….. it indicates that Henry is still trying to cover his tracks to that date ten years after Vulgate and VM were published.

519HRB, XI, i.

 

We know the First Variant was employed earlier than 1151 and thus we can deduce that because Walter’s name is absent from the First Variant text; he is alive when that version of HRB became public.  His fame as provider of the book is not yet bestowed upon him either.  Henry only uses Walter as his stooge after he is dead.

 

I should remind the reader that no-one ever met ‘Geoffrey’ and his work was not widely read until post 1155, except for the one copy provided by Henry’s nephew (which found its way to Beverley) and since this existed c.1147 certainly ‘Geoffrey of Monmouth’ as a name had not yet been concocted.  Thus, Alfred employs his own name Britannicus instead of what he believes is an an obvious psudonym of the author pretending to be  called Galfridus Artur. Alfred thinks he understands one thing for certain about the copy of HRB in front of him….It must have been composed by a native of Britain.

 

 Admittedly Henry’s friend Abbot Suger had been gifted an early set of Merlin prophecies by Henry Blois and Alfred had his copy in the north through William of York travelling up there from a period where he soujourned with Henry Blois at Winchester.  William of York was Henry’s nephew, but to think any version was widely distributed before 1155 is inaccurate. Alfred merely names the author as ‘Britannicus’ because he knows Galfridus Artur is a pseudonym and the author is obviously pro-the Britons.

 

The modern concept of the proliferation of ‘Geoffrey’s’ work is simply misunderstood and is based entirely on the date parameters of when the dedicatees lived and the assumption that a Vulgate version appeared in 1139 at Bec.  Modern scholars also need to accept that Merlin is not a prophet. To maintain such a position is foolish given that most of the content of the prophecies revolves around looking backward to events close to Henry Blois and his family and the anarchy.

 

It is a madness to think that the chief aim of the First Variant is to abbreviate HRB. It appears less expanded because it is earlier and the frequent reminiscences of the Bible and classical texts, independent of the Vulgate…. indicate that it was tailored to an ecclesiastical audience, written with a more moralising tone. It is simply not feasible that the First Variant was written by someone other than ‘Geoffrey’.

Considering that the Vulgate version was in progress of being written before 1155 we might conclude it evolved through the copy that Alfred of Beverley possessed and as such had material that Alfred relates which is exclusive to Vulgate and also to First Variant. In other words, Alfred’s copy was neither.  The original First variant (1143-44) was written 10 years before the final Vulgate Version and may explain some differences in style, but essentially, they were composed for two different audiences. 

 

Hammer considered the Variant to be a reworking of the Vulgate for which Geoffrey of Monmouth was not responsible; but as soon as the motives for the Variant are established, there is no doubt as to who composed and was responsible for it.  If the frequency of incompatibility which exist in Huntingdon’s synopsis were expanded from the short précis that constitutes the letter to Warin…. it could not be thought possible that a Vulgate version was the same as that found at Bec.

 

Huntingdon’s précis never mentions Avalon…. and Alfred, in his reworking of the passage concerning Caliburnus (where it is forged in the island of Avallon in HRB) omits mention of Avallon. It shows Henry has not yet evolved his plan for Avalon c.1147.

 

Caldwell said that the Variant looks like an early draft put together from original sources.  He misunderstands the Variant was an evolving work toward Vulgate HRB, but had been employed at one time for a specific purpose. Caldwell argued that the absence from the Vulgate of some material found in the Variant and the inclusion in the Variant alone of some passages drawn directly from prior sources i.e. Bede and Landolfus Sagax could be explained if the Vulgate were regarded as a reworking of the Variant. In other words, the Vulgate was a deliberate revision. He was right, but he did not understand why historical personages are changed and chronological episodes re-aligned or the difference in moral tone; British anti-roman sentiment in speech was redacted and battle scenes seemingly in Vulgate appeared to be removed, and that Roman de Brut, Variant and Vulgate had a single author.

 

The difficulty of our experts have is that they do not understand that the Vulgate version was not published in 1138, but the book found at Bec was a first edition ‘Primary Historia’. It is silly to think that the Variant represented a version of the Historia composed by an unknown author after Geoffrey compiled the Vulgate as some scholars could only suggest by ignoring the glaring differences in storyline of EAW.

 

Pierre Gallais, another commentator duped by Henry’s fraud, thought Caldwell’s claim that the Variant version preceded the Roman de Brut, saw Caldwell’s position as a serious challenge to Wace’s originality…. since it threatened to reduce the status of the poet to that of a compilateur or copyist. A quick read of the Roman de Rou should convince any analytical researcher that the real Wace was a Rubbish poet and had a clunky style. The real Wace could never have composed the Roman de Brut.

Pierre Gallais also reckoned the Variant’s style signalled it could not have been written by Geoffrey himself…. but, trying to fit the jigsaw together, he rejected the proposition that an unknown author could produce such a version prior to the appearance of the Vulgate text. So, Gallais thought the Variant must have been composed after 1138 when he though Vulgate appeared; which led him to believe that the author of the First Variant drew on Wace’s roman de brut and therefore must be the latter composition.

 

As Wright520 states: The diverse nature of these various hypotheses serves to underline the great difficulties with which questions about the date, authorship and purpose of the First Variant version present us. The situation will never change until scholars such a Neil Wright free themselves of several a priori positions which (if maintained) obscure the right conclusions to the three genres of study under investigation!!!

 

520Neil Wright after pages recycling and discussing the self-contradictory arguments of Calwell and Gallais concludes: the combined weight of the preceding arguments must tip the scales conclusively against Gallais and in favour of Caldwell’s assertion that the variant version of the historia was Wace’s source. Hence the variant was in existence in Geoffrey of Monmouth’s lifetime, since he died probably in 1155, the year of the completion of the Roman de Brut. What I have never understood about researchers into Geoffrey’s work is how one could accept that firstly Geoffrey was real when nearly everything he states or is circumstantial in a personal context falls apart under scrutiny; yet all and sundry accept there is little truth in his historical fact in HRB. Secondly, how is it that commentators think Wace, or the supposed author of the variant and Geoffrey, all seem to interchange each others’ work at will all before 1155 when Geoffrey supposedly died. There are no ‘scales to tip’ because Henry started the Roman de Brut c.1149-50 with a cross over between Primary Historia and Variant versions as his source and finished it with the expansions found common to Vulgate; all versions common to one man as is evident in this analysis if one can accept stylistic changes are due to the time periods between versions.

It is silly to think that a revision of the Historia by an author other than Geoffrey would have been made so soon after the publication of the Vulgate text. Especially, if we consider modern scholarship’s view that the Vulgate was the same edition as the Primary Historia and was first seen in 1139. Why would one think another author would replicate the Vulgate with minor differences giving a much reduced First Variant version…. even if we genuinely believed ‘Geoffrey’ had existed as a real person?

Another confused commentator, Hans Erich Keller, thought that the Variant was not written by Geoffrey but ante-dated the Vulgate. Keller thought that Gaimar referred to the Vulgate as le livier that Walter Espec had procured and to the Variant version as the ‘good book of Oxford’ by Walter the Archdeacon. Therefore, Keller’s logic concluded that the source of the HRB was not as Geoffrey alleged i.e. an ancient Briton or Breton book in the possession of Walter Archdeacon of Oxford, but it was the Variant itself and composed before 1138. To complete the jigsaw of ignorance; Keller reckoned the Variant must have been written by Archdeacon Walter himself. Until it is understood that Henry Blois interpolated Gaimar, no correct conclusion will be found. The Gaimar epilogue is purposeful misdirection.

Wright hits the nail on the head: a comprehensive approach must be directed to answering three questions. Was the variant version composed before or after the vulgate? Was the variant written by Geoffrey or by another author? And was the variant used by Wace or does it rather reflect the influence of the Roman de Brut and consequently postdate that text?

The Variant was written beforehand. All HRB texts including that of Wace and Vulgate were authored by Henry Blois before his death. No further textual analysis by Crick or Wright will contradict this position.

Let it be established once and for all, Walter never had a book and never had any association with the composition of the Historia and his name was never seen in the Vulgate until after his death. Henry Blois is the author of HRB and the prophecies of Merlin.

As we shall see in the next section, Gaimar’s epilogue, upon which Keller attaches his reasonings, is most certainly written by Henry Blois, along with several other small interpolations into Gaimar’s work. After stating that Wace’s work was composed by Geoffrey (which is lengthy labour), I will surely be accused for citing Gaimar’s epilogue as a Blois interpolation also; but, by comparison to several years work in versifying the Historia, Gaimar’s epilogue and associated minor interpolations could be made in less than a day

Leckie also thought the First Variant was a later recension compiled by an unknown redactor. Yet he recognised that the Roman de Brut could not have arisen independently.  He thought it must represent an attempt to modify the Variant. One of the reasons Henry Blois created Wace’s Roman de Brut in the first place, apart from opening up his sensational book to a wider audience, was so that ‘Geoffrey’ remained ostensibly Welsh. The fact that ‘Wace’ found the Merlin prophecies incomprehensible may portend that Henry Blois completed Roman de Brut when there was no efficacy or further use of the prophetia. Therefore, I believe Henry released the Roman de Brut c.1158 when he returned to England after having met Wace at Caen.

The conclusion is that the Wace’s Roman de Brut was started before the fully evolved Vulgate HRB and hence it follows the Vulgate version more closely at the end. We might propose that Henry found it too difficult to include the prophetia without exposing himself by translating them i.e. by versifying the prose.  Much of the skimble skamble and obfuscatory content would be too difficult to portray in verse without exposing his obvious understanding of their content.

There are many other alternative scenarios as to why Henry makes a point of omitting the prophecies when he impersonates Wace.  However, we will see that Roman de Brut was written later than is normally thought and therefore the prophecies have no further use as Henry completes the vernacular edition of Roman de Brut in 1158 before leaving the continent. Certainly, Marie of France at the court of Champagne has heard of Avalon and the round table c.1165-70 confuting nearly every theory about the appearance of Glastonbury’s association to Insula Avallonis which is plainly pointed out by the emergence of Insula Pomorum in VM supposedly composed in 1155.

However, to grasp the finer points on the reasoning behind why the prophetia were left out in Wace…. I will discuss later, but it is necessary to understand that both Wace and Gaimar (both poets who published their own work) were impersonated by Henry Blois. Neither of them in anyway as artful as Henry Blois.

Another astonishing thing is that no commentator has ever remarked at how sluggish the Roman de Rou comes across. One would think that with all Gallais’ praise for Wace, he might have noticed that the author of Roman de Brut could never be the same mind; even though Wace is supposedly using a contemporary as a source. How is it possible that after spending years putting the Historia together a comparative dullard is allowed with supposed complete knowledge and co-operation from ‘Geoffrey’, to versify the best literature since Cicero; especially if we take into account the scarcity of references to Geoffrey’s work before 1150.

Geffrei Gaimar and the L’estoire des Engles

Geoffrey Gaimar claims to have written a version of the Brut based upon Geoffrey of Monmouth’s HRB. No copy of Gaimar’s Brut, or, (as it is better known), L’Estoire des Bretons has survived.  This is simply because it was never written; the earlier section of the work, which Henry Blois advocates exists while posing as Geffrei Gaimar comprised an Estoire des Troiiens and an Estoire des Bretuns. So, It is by no accident that Wace’s Roman de Brut is found along with all four manuscripts of L’Estoire des Engles; instead of the L’Estoire des Bretons. 

I have maintained and shown that Wace’s Roman de Brut was written by Henry Blois to spread his HRB content to a wider audience in the French Vernacular on the continent and to entertain nobles at court.  Certainly, analysing the content of Wace’s Roman de Brut, Wace seems to be at times better informed of detail than that which could be ascertained from the words that ‘Geoffrey’ employs in HRB which Wace is supposedly using as his source material.  We can deduce then that HRB and Roman de Brut originate from the same mind apart from the fact that Wace would hardly be plagiarising ‘Geoffrey’ contemporaneously.

Wace’s Roman de Brut was combined with a manuscript i.e. together with L’Estoire des Engles and distributed by Henry Blois when Gaimar had already completed the L’Estoire des Engles…. long before Henry Blois took on the Guise of Geffrei Gaimar’s epilogue is successful in deflecting the obvious connection between the two works. Most commentators today believe Gaimar’s Roman de Breton did not survive as it was outclassed by Wace’s work i.e Roman de Breton and Wace’s Roman de Brut were supposed to be similarly aligned in content and thus, supposedly, the Roman de Breton was relegated to obscurity to be replaced with Wace’s superior work. This view is largely based on the fact that L’Estoire des Engles is not an artful work (at least this is Gallais’ position and all and sundry have accepted his position).

Gaimar wrote L’Estoire des Engles and Henry then interpolated it with a few Arthurian insertions after Gaimar’s death which provides another corroborative source for his Chivalric Arthur. However, the pertinent point of this impersonation of Gaimar was so that the epilogue could state what it does about the source material of HRB and obscure further the trail back to Henry Blois. The point of this is so that Walter is implicated, just as the HRB states, thus Henry’s authorship is hidden; and ‘Geoffrey’ becomes merely a translator not inventor of HRB’s contents.

The creation of ‘Gaimar’s’ epilogue is Henry Blois’ main purpose behind impersonating Gaimar. ‘Gaimar’s’ epilogue provides an erroneous conflationary and misleading provenance for HRB. The epilogue could not carry out its function unless L’Estoire des Bretons was to have been ‘apparently’ written by Gaimar. Without the proposition that Gaimar wrote the L’Estoire des Bretons, how would the ‘good book’ be mentioned? It is for this reason all four copies of Gaimar’s genuine work, interpolated slightly by Henry, have another of Henry’s works attached; Wace’s Roman de Brut, which as I have covered supposedly replaces Gaimar’s.   It is entirely wrong to think the L’Estoire des Bretons ever existed.

It was again an extremely clever ploy by Henry Blois. Gaimar’s statements in the epilogue ostensibly are employed by Henry Blois to mislead, which ultimately only corroborate the proposition of the fraudulent source book when put under scrutiny.

This is especially evident when we consider there are no dedications in the First Variant except where Robert’s name is added subsequently to a copy521 and there is certainly no mention of Walter. The proposition, by ‘Geoffrey’, that Walter supplied his source book only becomes relevant to Henry Blois at the advent of the publication of Vulgate and its updated seditious prophecies…. as more people scrutinized the appearance of a supposed translation of a history found in an old book and of course read the seditious Prophecies.

521Once we have established the reasoning behind the construction of First Variant we can date it to 1144-1149. There is absolutely no way Robert of Gloucester would have received a copy of First Variant.

At the time the First Variant was employed in 1144, Robert of Gloucester was still alive and therefore no dedication could be used. However, his name is in one copy of the First Variant as it was probably employed at Rome in 1149 just after his death. It may however be a later correction.

Anyway, Gaimar’s epilogue was concocted and employed to establish certain corroborations of statements made in the Vulgate HRB, thereby adding the credence of what was maintained by ‘Geoffrey’ about the source book and then corroborated by a third party author.

‘Gaimar’s’ epilogue provides independent witness to ‘Geoffrey’s’ statement concerning the mythical book obtained from Walter. The intention was to show that a book from which Vulgate HRB was supposedly translated actually existed as witnessed by ‘Geoffrey’. The old book ex Britanica did not exist. Most scholars realize that the Historia is a composite and could not be a translation of an old book. Some are naïve enough to believe a source book exists because a few puzzling attributes of the Historia are more easily dispensed with by a tentative acknowledgement.  Keller has Archdeacon Walter as the inventor of the First Variant to rationalize this position. Crick says that: Wright has since demonstrated conclusively that the First Variant postdates the Vulgate and predates Wace.

This again establishes a false a priori position from which if the conclusion is upheld any further conclusions have to be erroneous.   What Wright actually questions:

Was the Variant written by Geoffrey himself or by another author? And was the Variant used by Wace, or does it rather reflect the influence of the Roman de Brut and consequently postdate the text? Clearly, the first two questions can, since conclusive external evidence is lacking, only be addressed after the Variant and Vulgate texts have been compared more carefully than has so far been the case; moreover, the results of such a comparison may also provide additional important evidence useful in conducting a much need reinvestigation of the relationship of the Variant to Wace’s Roman de Brut.522Neil Wright p. xvi

Wright follows on: With these aims in view the vulgate and Variant texts have been compared systematically and the results set out…

One can’t demonstrate ‘conclusively’ that the First Variant postdates the Vulgate and predates Wace simply because this statement is incorrect. The First Variant pre-dates the Vulgate and the First Variant predates Wace and the latter half of Wace and the Vulgate version are contemporary (give or take).

This entire mess of chronology simply exists because no-one has taken in hand the task of connecting the three genres of work presently under investigation in this study and treated them as a whole body of evidence and asked why or how the contradictions exist.

Anyway, logically, Walter could hardly give any book to the invented persona of Geoffrey of Monmouth and far less when he is dead at the advent of the Vulgate edition. The stupidity is that scholars think the Vulgate appeared in 1139.  Ingeniously, Gaimar’s witness fraudulently establishes Robert of Gloucester as having had this historical narrative adapted and translated in accordance with the books belonging to the Welsh.

Henry Blois might have known Walter, but we should not forget that Henry signed six or seven charters as Galfridus Artur and the bishop of Asaph while in the scriptorium at Oxford in c.1153-58 (or later), after Walter had died. Walter’s name was upon the charters, but in all probability Walter and Henry had previously met as Stephen visited Oxford castle at various times as a base in the changing fortunes of the Anarchy.

Henry Blois only employed Walter as a ‘decoy’ for providing the source of his history after Walter’s death and only in the Vulgate version. Logically, he must have known Walter had died and it was safe to use his name. People were looking for Geoffrey of Monmouth and starting to ask where this man existed and how he got hold of the information put forward as historically accurate…. and where was this mysterious source book and why had the prophecies seen by some previously now changed and new prophecies added.

This was especially relevant also to Henry distancing himself from composition and authorship of the prophecies which incited rebellion against Henry II. The reason the modern reader knows nothing of this (and it is not recorded) is that…. by the time any of these fictions (like the contemporaneity of Caradoc mentioned in the colophon), Walter and his mysterious book…. and the erroneous dedicatees and phony patrons came to be inquired of by sceptics; they could not be asked…… because they were dead except for Waleran who died 1166 and may have been added after that date. Since ‘Geoffrey’ died in 1154-5 what difference would it make anyway if he had supposedly made Waleran a dedicatee between 1155-66?

Henry’s ploy of backdating made it appear as if the Vulgate HRB had been published at least 15 years earlier in 1138-9. Quite simply any avenue of enquiry could not be made because all supposed witnesses were now dead.

We know the First Variant gradually circulated with no dedication or mention of Alexander or Walter.  It was only after Walter’s death in 1151 and the Vulgate now made public, that Henry would have needed to have found a solution to the growing question of how ‘Geoffrey’ had an account of history at variance to Roman annals and how his history varied from Gildas’s diatribe and Bede’s history.

As I have maintained, with the gradual proliferation of the evolving Variant with such as Alfred of Beverley commenting on HRB, it seems fair to posit that in 1153, while at Wallingford, and at the time the Treaty of Winchester was agreed…. that Henry visited Oxford to scribble Gaufridus’ signature on charters found in the scriptorium picked at random. He also came up with the idea of a Geoffrey from ‘Monmouth’ based on Ralph of Monmouth as we covered earlier. Henry also at this same time portrayed the progression of an aspiring man dutifully flattering patrons and exasperated at his lack of promotion waiting to become a bishop.

The only real problem with this scenario is that if ‘Geoffrey’ really were complaining to Robert de Chesney in VM for further reward than that which had been given earlier by Alexander, (and VM was supposedly written in 1155), ‘Geoffrey’ is already a bishop and dead.  So, ‘Geoffrey’ would hardly be seeking a better reward as is posited in the prologue of VM.

Logically, he must have started the poem of the life of Merlin at least a year previously to accomplish the task before 1155. Yet as I have shown in my analysis of the VM, Henry Blois definitely composed this at Clugny after he went into self imposed exile in october 1155.

  We know by use of the Variant in Wace’s versified version that Henry had started the vernacular version of the Roman de Brut before 1155 and completed it once Vulgate was a finished composition. Henry was not idle while in voluntary exile at Clugny between 1155-58 and was sheltered in his forest just like the Merlin he is writing about; after his nineteen years of frenetic turmoil having lost so much, he virtually opines as Merlin in the text of VM bemoaning his loss of fortune.    

Henry signs ‘Geoffrey’s’ name on the treaty of Winchester as the bishop of Asaph to complete the trail of charter signatures left to posterity. At what date this was done we cannot say as the treaty was probably in Henry’s keeping at Winchester and the signature may have been added long afterward. What is sure is that no ‘Geoffrey’ witnessed the signing of the treaty and no other Bishop ever met Geoffrey of Monmouth.

Hammer’s First Variant gives the name Galfridus Arturus Monemutensis only in the Colophon. This runs contrary to my theory that the Monmouth appellation is late. This would however most likely be a later correction or insertion. It seems to me that Ralph of Monmouth’s name inspired Henry to change from Gaufridus Arthur to Geoffrey of Monmouth in 1153 when Duke Henry, King Stephen and Henry Blois met at Oxford castle.

The late interpolation into Gaimar’s work is determined by the fact that the book of Oxford is mentioned. The mention of Walter is definitely a part of Henry’s device that could only be employed after 1151 when Walter had died.  A clear motive is seen in Henry Blois’ impostor of Gaimar. Pressure mounted on Henry Blois and he tried to distance himself from authorship of HRB yet maintain its credibility. It must certainly have been known that his name was linked to the Historia as he had presented it as evidence in Rome and doubtless could be connected to its proliferation and copying.

L’Estoire des Engles or the ‘History of the English people’, was written by Gaimar originally. Essentially, until Henry Blois got his hands on it…. it was the ASC in poetic form which also could be said to have more insight toward the northern regions i.e. written by someone in the North of England.

L’Estoire des Engles was certainly (but only slightly) interpolated with Arthurian lore by Henry Blois. The fact that Belinus is mentioned…. we know that Gaimar has been interpolated by someone concerned with corroborating part of ‘Geoffrey’s’ bogus history. On this point, modern scholars have suggested that both Gaimar and Geoffrey were working from the same sources. This position is only tenable if we believe the veracity of what is stated in the epilogue in that Gaimar actually composed L’estoire des Breton. He did not!!!

This is what we are supposed to believe when some interpolations into Gaimar’s original L’Estoire des Engles refer to Arthuriana. The reason Henry has lighted upon Gaimar’s work for a front, to implant his propaganda, is that Gaimar has (to an extent) versified the ASC for Lady Constance…. and therefore, could be accountable as having produced a poetical rendition of Walter’s book. This is the implication we are led to believe by the reference to L’estoire des Bretons.

Let there be no mistaking…. before any reference to Walter was made in the Vulgate HRB, Walter was already dead.  So, the Primary Historia that spawned EAW and in the First Variant, there is no Walter mentioned because both these were composed while Walter was alive. Walter’s book was called upon as a dramatic prop, employed to give the air of authenticity to ‘Geoffrey’s’ source material, but more importantly to distance the author of HRB from the accusation of having fabricated it from his own imagination. 

Originally Gaimar wrote his adaptation of ASC as a chronicle in octosyllabic rhymed couplets and he opens with a brief mention of King Arthur whose actions affect the plot of the interpolated tale of Havelok the Dane.  Basically, the first 3,500 lines are translations out of a variant text of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle and subsequent portions are a mix of more of Henry’s fantastic invention and Gaimar’s genuine work.  Henry’s guile is unsurpassed here (and we know what is on his mind) as the opening lines declare: Heretofore in the former book, if you remember it, you have heard how perfectly Constantine held the dominion after Arthur…

Why would we not remember it if, as the epilogue makes out, Gaimar is writing a continuous history from Troy to William Rufus. What Henry Blois has cleverly done in the epilogue is infer firstly that Gaimar wrote L’estoire des Bretons and that the Trojan epic and the Arthuriana were in other works used by Gaimar. But, by mentioning the ‘good book of Oxford’ he shoots himself in the foot and provides a proof positive for those who are not gullible, because we (the not gullible) know that Gaimar’s testimony must have been composed be after Walter died.

Walter does not feature in the earlier First Variant. The whole farce is initially concocted in the Vulgate…. therefore, we can definitively say Gaimar’s epilogue was composed not only after Walter’s death but subsequent also to his name’s inclusion in the Vulgate.

L’estorie de Wincestre was the copy of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle which supposedly Gaimar used and refers to in the text. It is not wildly speculative to assume that Henry had placed that book chained in Winchester and interpolated it with Arthurian lore and this is the reason we are led to believe that ‘Gaimar’ lends credence to it as an independent source.

In effect, creating the aura that what the ‘Winchester book’ contained was genuine. Also, one can speculate that the ploy was also meant to show that this book was at Winchester before Henry became bishop.

What needs to be understood is Henry’s vast wealth and influence over many disparate scriptoriums. This enabled him to have interpolated copies run off by various monks in differing locations where no cause for suspicion was involved in a wealthy bishop requesting a copy be made of a certain manuscript insert of folio. No one scriptorium aware of what others under Henry’s instruction were up to. These did his bidding and became the main way he was able to propagate HRB through the monastic system and disseminate through his contacts at court.523

522   

523Crick says: I aim instead to apply the information from my enquiries to the question of how the work was transmitted. What staggers me is why since Tatlock has adequately shown that HRB is a composite i.e. a falsity; has no-one asked ‘who’ is doing the transmission or propagation throughout the Monastic system and courts. How could ‘Geoffrey’ have so many patrons? Why do the prophecies corroborate the false historicity of HRB? How is it that Orderic’s recycling of the sixth King in the leonine chain of numbered Kings is potentially seen to be invading Ireland before 1142. How is Merlin witnessed to be prophetic with real prescience without ‘backdating’ and how far is this mode d’emploi utilised in the text the prophecies corroborate i.e. HRB?

As long as we know Gaimar’s testimony in the epilogue is a fake, there is nothing to say that the name Geoffrey of Monmouth even existed before 1153 or the Vulgate (unless in a corrected copy).

In 1153 Gervaise was 12 years old, so his testimony regarding the Bishop of Asaph is hardly reliable and Henry Blois might have planted evidence of Geoffrey’s consecration by Theobald while Theobald was out of the country, temporarily banished by Stephen. The most powerful prelate in the land could plant any evidence he wanted anywhere in the church records system.

Henry Blois, posing as Gaimar, makes out that the L’Estoire des Bretons and L’estoire des Engles were commissioned by Constance, wife of Ralph Fitz-Gilbert, a Lincolnshire landowner using a manuscript obtained from Robert of Gloucester. Scholars have assumed therefore, it was written 1134-36 as Henry Ist does not appear (by what is stated) to be alive. One of the points of constructing the Gaimar epilogue pantomime is to pre-date the publishing of the Vulgate before its discovery at Bec, where obviously, Henry Blois had been in early 1138.

Gaimar is the original writer of L’estoire des Engles and probably did have a connection to Ralph Fitz-Gilbert who also had a wife called Constance. Henry’s gambit is always to stay aligned with what might seem the truth. He relies totally on obfuscation.

As pressure to find who had invented this work of HRB increased, Henry saw a need to portray that Gaimar also wrote about Brutus and Arthur prior to Huntingdon’s discovery. One can be sure that people suspected Henry as author of HRB. Especially, since the prophetia foretold of one bishop’s wish….which was destined to come true regarding a metropolitan; even though a sixth century prophet had foretold it to a time when the audience could read an verify his words.

The various individuals who are posited to have played a part in making the books available to Gaimar is purely a devise employed by Henry Blois to achieve his various goals by employing the mis-directional epilogue. No fewer than nine contemporaries are named to set the scene:  Constance, wife of Ralf Fitz-Gilbert; Walter Espec of Helmsley; Robert, Earl of Gloucester; Ralf Fitz-Gilbert of Lincolnshire; Walter, Archdeacon of Oxford; King Henry Ist; Queen Adeliza of Louvain; David; and Nicholas de Trailly. The four written sources Gaimar refers to are Walter Espec’s book, the ‘Good book of Oxford’, the Winchester history, and an English book from Washingborough; all mentioned for a specific reason polemically.

Walter Espec who lent Lady Constance some of the books which supposedly Gaimar used, was the founder of the Abbeys of Kirkham, Rievaulx, and Wardon, and is well known for his gallant conduct at the Battle of the Standard in 1138. He was as an old man, High Sheriff of Yorkshire who died and was buried at Rievaulx Abbey in 1153 or 1155…. leaving no issue, as his son was killed by a fall from his horse.

Walter Espec’s three sisters inherited his estates, of whom the second, Albreda, married Nicolas de Trailli, and had four sons by him, Geoffrey, William, Nicholas, and Gilbert. The Nicolas de Trailli appealed to by the poet is Albreda’s husband a canon of York at the time Henry’s Nephew was re-instated as Bishop. We should not forget that in all probability Henry’s evolving Variant arrived in York by way of Henry’s nephew and this is how Alfred of Beverley obtained a copy and Henry is trying to obfuscate the trail of his HRB to the area of York and Beverley.

So, it is not by coincidence that Henry weaves his twisted propaganda around landowners in the north who he knows are dead using his usual retro-scenarios; as Gaimar probably mentions them in his non interpolated original text as he was also from that area. In effect Henry reconstitutes Gaimar’s work and adds a convoluted epilogue.

It is not coincidence that Walter Espec had just died. It is not coincidence that Henry Blois uses Walter Espec’s name in connection with Ralph and Lady Constance who had probably been the real patron of Gaimar. It is also worth noting Henry Blois had previously met Walter Espec when Henry Blois signed a charter with King Henry Ist granting permission to build Rievaulx abbey.

Nicolas de Trailli is appealed to by Gaimar to substantiate his claims about whether he is speaking the truth…. and in an unusual manner. The truth is that Gaimar was commissioned by Lady Constance. Why we should need to appeal to Nicolas de Trailli if it were really Gaimar writing is not clear, but as a polemic authored by Henry it becomes evident. One would think that Henry would hardly appeal to someone alive to substantiate his cock and bull story. Henry, in fact, invents how Gaimar came upon his sources (a most unusual declaration), so we can take it that Nicholas de Trailli was dead already.

The only real scenario which fits is that Gaimar did write a rendition of ASC in poetic octosyllabic. Henry then interpolated Gaimar’s own work with Arthuriana and added an epilogue. He constructed it as part of his devise to add credence to ‘Geoffrey’ having translated from Walter’s book and also to backdate Gaimar’s work by affixing dates of known personages of the generation before. The inter-dispersed interpolations into Gaimar’s work also had the added benefit of substantiating completely fictional people; unheard of, before ‘Geoffrey’ invented them in HRB, such as Belinus.

Let us look at how Henry Blois wraps up Gaimar’s original story by tacking on his disinformation in the epilogue: Let him who does not believe it go to Winchester, there he will hear if this can be true. Here will I end about the King (William Rufus). We can then witness what Henry establishes:

This history caused to be translated by the gentle lady Constance commissioned Gaimar on it, March and April, and all the twelve months, before he had translated about the Kings.

Here, Henry is splicing into Gaimar’s original work which may have mentioned March and April and combines this obfuscation with the fact that he had written the L’estoire des Bretons beforehand…. which as we will see was never written.524

524The usual rate for versifying was 3,000 to 5000 lines a year. Gaimar supposedly wrote 6,000 lines in the Fourteen months.  As we shall cover shortly, if Wace had genuinely finished his Roman de Brut in 1155 as stated it would mean he had started it in around 1152-3 before Geoffrey was supposedly dead. Strangely in reality this is true in part as Henry Blois commenced composing Roman de Brut using the First Variant version. As he expanded Arturiana from Alfred of Beverley’s era c1147, Wace/Henry Blois uses this latterly expanded form in the Roman de Brut as found in Vulgate HRB.  After 1155, when the Vulgate was complete, ‘Wace’ finishes off the last half of his versified HRB mirroring the Arthuriana contents with the Vulgate version. As we shall cover later, the Roman de Brut was probably published c.1158-60 and again Henry is back dating. But the sad scholastic conclusion is again backward; because of their belief that the Bec copy was the Vulgate version and so Variant is assumed the later version. This would mean the supposed Wace starts his book with the unexpanded first Variant (a supposed later version) and then reverts back to the expanded earlier version thought to be Vulgate. Total Nonsense!!!!! Just look at the discrepancies in EAW by comparison with Vulgate.

He procured many copies, English books and books on grammar, both in French and in Latin, before he could come to the conclusion. If his lady had not helped him, he would never have completed it. She sent to Helmsley for Walter Espec’s book. Robert earl of Gloucester had this historical narrative translated in accordance with the books belonging to the Welsh which they had on the subject of the Kings of Britain. Walter Espec requested this historical narrative, Earl Robert sent it to him, and then Walter Espec lent it to Ralf Fitz-Gilbert; Lady Constance borrowed it from her husband whom she loved dearly. Geoffrey Gaimar made a written copy of this book, and added to it the supplementary material which the Welsh had omitted, for he had previously obtained, be it rightfully or wrongfully, the good book of Oxford which belonged to Archdeacon Walter, and with this he made considerable improvements to his book; and this historical narrative was improved by the Winchester History, and  a certain book of Washingborough, in which he found a written account of the Kings and of all the emperors who had dominion over Rome and tribute from England, and of the Kings who had held these lands of their lives and deeds, what happened to them and what deeds they performed, how each one governed the land, which ones loved peace and which ones’ war. Anyone willing to look into this book will be able to find there all this and more, and let anyone who does not believe what I say ask Nicholas de Trailly.

One can only feel sorry for scholars who are so naïve that they are taken in by what is so obviously designed to mislead and substantiate what is not true.

One does not need an explanation to understand why ‘Gaimar’ mentions the book of Robert of Gloucester rather than mentioning by whom the book was authored. The author Geoffrey of Monmouth is kept well out of the picture and it is to the dedicatee that Walter Espec makes his request. Modern scholars studying ‘Geoffrey’ do not understand that Henry Blois is adeptly corroborating what ‘Geoffrey of Monmouth’ had written.

What Henry hopes to convey is that ‘Geoffrey’ had written a book for Robert of Gloucester, but it was Gaimar who added to it that which the Welsh had left out and to confuse us further…. it is Gaimar by his own admission that also possessed Walter’s book. The main purpose is to prove independently that a book from Oxford existed and probably to have us confuse the provenance of that book between the Archdeacon Walter and Walter Espec.

The Gaimar epilogue is meant to confuse and has the desired effect. It obscures rather than elucidates any useful meaning, but the ‘seed’ of doubt is again planted.  To an unperceptive reader, the book ‘Geoffrey’ translated from, is forever more thought to have existed in reality, adding credence to ‘Geoffrey’s’ claim. It is not by accident that Gaimar’s supposed work L’Estoire des Bretons is substituted by Wace’s, but our modern scholars are again duped.

At Winchester, there obviously existed a book into which Henry Blois had interpolated substantially. Henry is by means of the epilogue, (for the benefit of the gullible), showing that in that book was new material which was supposedly put in Gaimar’s L’estoire de Bretons, which of course does not exist.  Don’t forget, L’estoire de Bretons is thought to have the same contents as HRB. The existence of the Winchester book, which was probably a vastly interpolated rendition of ASC, also needed to be substantiated as having been chained in Winchester of old.

Hence, by total confusion ‘Gaimar’ who is purposely ante-dated by Henry Blois to c.1136,525 is made to appear as if he is the instigator of the Vulgate book which has drawn so much attention which Henry needed to deflect or risk being exposed. Therefore, supposedly ‘Gaimar’ let it be known that the book of Oxford had material that Robert of Gloucester’s book did not contain. Therefore, any inquirer as to how the Primary Historia or First Variant evolved into the Vulgate, without the accusation of fabrication, is now appraised that ‘Gaimar’ made these additions.

525Henry Blois makes it appear Gaimar is writing just after the death of King Henry I as La raine de Luvain  Adeliza remarried William d’Aubigy in September 1139. The intent is to ante-date Gaimar’s work to this period.

We know Archdeacon Walter in the Primary Historia and also in the First Variant does not feature. Walter,  as a known dead person, only becomes necessary as a patsy later when questions are being asked.  Herein is the reason for the production of Gaimar’s charade by Henry Blois. The real intent of the production of Gaimar’s work and the mention of Walter Espec and Robert duke of Gloucester is to ostensibly provide evidence that both ‘Geoffrey’ and Gaimar had accomplished their works before the Anarchy. The way this was done was to show that Gaimar’s use of Geoffrey’s Historia would have been in L’Estoire des Breton. In other words Henry had already written the Roman de Brut and to save duplicating another version called L’Estoire des Breton by Gaimar as is poited in the epilogue…..‘Wace’s’ Roman de Brut was merely substituted as a supposedly similar script.  Hence, Wace’s work is found alongside in all four MSS of Gaimar’s real work ,although interpolated. What we are supposed to think is that….. it was Robert of Gloucester who deposited his dedicated copy at Bec in 1137 when he left England. Huntingdon does not mention his name in EAW and nor do the First Variant’s except for the Exeter MSS; and as we have mentioned, this is either a late insert by Henry or a later correction or since it is a cut down version of the dedication; it may well be the first to have a dedication. But it still would date after 1147.  There were definitively no dedications before 1147….even in Alfred’s copy.  However, this is the very point Henry Blois is trying to make by saying in the most contrived fashion that Gaimar’s project took 14 months to compose and we are led to believe have been written c.1136.

The Washingborough book is somehow meant to mislead us into thinking that Geoffrey’s Vulgate, which has Alexander’s dedication in it, was in existence while Alexander was Bishop of Lincoln. Washingborough is less than two miles from Lincoln. It may be Henry’s intention that the book of the Merlin’s prophecies is implied as having come from Washingborough as Alexander supposedly possessed it and chose (pressed) ‘Geoffrey’ to translate it. As we know Alexander had no connection to Geoffrey because Geoffrey is not a real person but Henry Blois loathed Alexander.

The fact that Ralph Fitz-Gilbert was benefactor of Kirkstead abbey, to whom Earl Conan made a grant of land in Washingborough between 1156-58, (the precise time which I assume Gaimar’s original work was rehashed by Henry)…. may have some bearing on what was intended. Conan as we know at this time was at odds with Henry II and Henry Blois is specifically trying to incite rebellion through Conan and Cadwallader in the prophecies.

However, …from an English book of Washingborough, wherein he found written of the Kings, and of all the emperors who were lords of Rome and had tribute of England… hardly sounds as if it is the book of prophecies supposedly translated for the Bishop of Lincoln, but more along the lines of ‘Geoffrey’s’ pseudo-historia or Variant version. Anyway, the passage about the various books in Gaimar’s epilogue is intended to be unclear and cause obfuscation.

Geffrei Gaimar cel livere escrit in line 6453 and then in 6460, Si en emendant son livere bien, just adds to the purposeful obfuscation; so, it becomes unclear who is translating or adding to, or redacting, or who composed which book.

It would seem the real problem was that First Variant version (except those versions corrected subsequently), had no dedications in them and people were suspecting fraud when the Vulgate appeared. One can be sure this was a concern, as some of the prophecies in the Vulgate were seditious toward the new King. Why would Gaimar c.1136 have us refer to Nicholas de Trailli when we could just ask Archdeacon Walter if a ‘good book’ ever existed…. or reference the ‘good book of Oxford’?

One would have to be extremely slow, to accept without question Gaimar’s epilogue, considering that which we have discussed previously concerning Archdeacon Walter’s late appearance in the Vulgate Version. One should ask why Gaimar appeals to Nicholas de Trailli. The probable answer is that the author (Henry Blois), obtained his copy of Gaimar from Nicholas de Trailli or Walter Espec.

Gaimar’s epilogue was composed as a reaction to the fact that the Vulgate HRB was published (now made public), so it cannot be early as scholars presume…. as we know the Vulgate (with its prophecies) was published in 1155.

In reality, Walter would have been inundated with enquiries about the ‘good book of Oxford’ (ex-Brittania, ex-Brittany, ex-Briton or however one wishes to be misled), if Walter’s name had existed in the First Variant.

The fact that Lady Constance borrowed the book from her husband whom ‘she loved dearly’…. is inconsequential personal piffle meant to deflect from the lie being propagated. The anecdotal comment is supposed to induce us to believe some personal observation was made by Gaimar about Lady Constance to indicate the epilogue was written by Gaimar himself.  Whether we are supposed to believe that the ‘He’ in…. he had previously obtained, be it rightfully or wrongfully, the good book of Oxford…. referred to Walter Espec, Ralph Fitz Gilbert or even Gaimar is a moot point, for Gaimar’s ambiguous reference is employed just to show an independent knew of the book also.

The point is, the ‘good book of Oxford’ becomes real by being referred to by another writer…. or at least that is what we are being led to believe. Henry even throws in a little subterfuge as to whether the book was obtained rightly or wrongly. This supposedly adds narrative credibility to his concoction.

The epilogue continues: Now, says Gaimar, if he had a patron, he would go on to tell of King Henry, for if he is willing to talk about the King even briefly and write an adaptation of part of his life, he will be able to recount thousands of things that David never had copied down, nor did the Queen from Louvain ever hold in her hand any book recording this sort of material. She did have a large book made however and the first verse of which she had embellished with musical notation. David is a good narrative poet, and he composed good verse and constructed his song well. Lady Constance owns a written copy of it, and she often reads it in her chamber; and for the copy she gave a mark of silver burnt and weighed. The material of which this book was composed has achieved some circulation and reached several places. But as for the festivities that the King held, – and still today Henry, that Christian man of blessed memory, ranks as the best King that ever was, but as for the drinking and bouts of boasting, the courting and the love affairs in which he carried on, David’s book has hardly anything to say.

‘Gaimar’s’ statement of intent to write about Henry Ist followed by the immediate retraction of the intent is purely to show Henry Blois knows of the book that David wrote. This in effect sets us in the era in which the epilogue is supposed to have been written. People knew of David’s book in Latin, so the point for Henry Blois to make was that Gaimar also, ‘long ago’ i.e. in that period, had that same book of Oxford that ‘Geoffrey’ claims to have had. The purpose of the seemingly irrelevant anecdote is all about backdating.

The remarkable thing about Henry Blois is that he slips into character so easily. We see this in the grovelling show of flattery to Robert of Gloucester and Alexander, both of whom in reality he disliked, but Henry never loses sight of the fact that writers needed a patron. Henry makes a pantomime of farce, pretending to be an equal of David seeming to be concerned with the petty things poets of his ilk should be concerned about.

I would hazard to guess that there was such a book written by David (probably the brother of Bishop Alexander of Lincoln) and Henry Blois knew of it and he makes a show of intimacy with Lady Constance, wife of Ralf Fitz Gilbert, a Lincolnshire landholder and affirms her bookishness by giving the ridiculous anecdote of how much she paid for a copy. Who would not believe this is Gaimar writing.  All this is dressed up to convince us that the author of the epilogue is in reality the person called Gaimar mixing in circles in Lincolnshire which Henry will have gleaned from the original preamble of Gaimar’s work.

Henry Blois, the author of the epilogue, pretends to be concerned with what David wrote and ostensibly says that David should not have left out the bits which truly would have been more interesting regarding what he had written about Henry Ist. The whole is a ploy to convince contemporaries and us in posterity that the epilogue was written by Gaimar.

Finally, the last part of the epilogue is as follows: Now, says Gaimar, he passes it over. But if he would take more trouble He could compose verses about the fairest deeds (of Henry Ist ), namely the love affairs and the courting, the hunting sports and the drinking, the festivities and the pomp and ceremony, largesses and riches, the entourage of noble and valiant barons that the King maintained, and the generous presents which he distributed. This is indeed the sort of material that should be celebrated in poetry, with nothing omitted and nothing passed over. I call on David, then, to continue his narrative if he so wishes, and not leave it as it is, for if he was willing to compose a sequel, he could greatly improve his book. And if he is unwilling to turn his mind to this, I will go and fetch him myself and have him imprisoned; he will never again get out of my custody until he has completed the song. Now we are at peace / reconciled, and let us be glad. Gaimar’s narrative goes [all the way] from Troy as far as here; he began it at the point where Jason left in pursuit of the [Golden] Fleece, and has now, at this present moment, brought it to a close. God’s blessing on us all! Amen.

The quite preposterous proposal that Gaimar is going to fetch David and have him imprisoned is purely a device to ostensibly provide contemporaneity with David. David obviously wrote for Adeliza who is the Queen (from Louvain) and the author David is also now dead. That such a book existed is provided by a description of its first verse. That Adeliza is mentioned is to show that Gaimar’s work was on a par with David’s and thus ostensibly back-dated contemporaneously. We know from Hildebert of Le Man’s comments that Adeliza was only concerned with serious studies and histories.

Henry Blois’ guile should not be overlooked.  The opening lines of Gaimar are a prime example. Henry Blois refers to the book which in reality he has not written as the livere bien devant and purposefully misleads us…. because the statement that Iwain was made King of Murray and Lothian does not tally with Geoffrey’s account in First Variant version or Vulgate. The point is to convince us that a similar book to Geoffrey’s with different content existed. In the last line of the epilogue he says Gaimar’s narrative goes from Troy as far as here (as far back as Jason which is prior to Geoffrey’s Brutus).

Now, we know Henry’s devises are based largely on obfuscation and confusion. So, here he has established that Gaimar is not the same author as Geoffrey (in case any should suspect fraud) because the accounts contradict each other.  The reader should keep in mind that the inventor of the whole Brutus history (because we are not referring here to Nennius’ brief mention) is Henry Blois.  So, Gaimar in reality, could not have written any book to do with a history from Troy without ‘Geoffrey’s’ Historia. It is from this knowledge we can conclude that the sham of an early publication by Gaimar, (especially concerning the epilogue), is as equally untenable as ‘Geoffrey’s’ fabricated persona…. and ‘Geoffrey’s’ insistence that he used an old book from which he has translated. Gaimar’s epilogue is a contrived fake which is tacked on to Gaimar’s work by the artful author called Henry Blois. No wonder he equates himself with Cicero!!

Modern scholars will find this hard to accept, because it is still believed that ‘Geoffrey’ lived in reality and Walter had the ‘exceeding ancient book in the British tongue’ mentioned by him…. which Gaimar now seems to corroborate.  Most modern scholars have understood that ‘Geoffrey’ has concocted as a compilation the whole HRB and they can even see that the prophecies are spliced into it, but none have evaluated that Huntingdon’s EAW storyline is not the same as the Vulgate HRB. Even with its very numerous and considerable variations, it is still considered that the Bec Primary Historia is the same as the Vulgate edition of HRB.

One wonders how it is that scholarship has been so easily duped regarding the ‘good book of Oxford’…. but where is ‘Geoffrey’ going to get a ‘book on the exile of the Britons’ that neither Huntingdon nor Malmesbury has ever seen: Many of them betook them in a mighty fleet unto Armorican Britain, so that the whole church of the two provinces, Loegria, to wit, and Northumbria, was left desolate of all the convents of religious therein. But of this will I tell the story elsewhere, when I come to translate the Book of their Exile.526

526HRB XI, x

Gaimar gives the name of one of his sources as the History of Winchester. He tells us that it is a volume of history, compiled on Aelfred’s orders from information furnished by monks and canons in various parts of England, and was chained up like a church Bible in Winchester Cathedral. In reality there probably was a book as described full of Henry’s propaganda…. but if Gaimar has a copy, why is he telling us to go to Winchester to verify his history?

This cannot be the volume known as the Annales Wintonie, now in the British Museum which is of later date. But we may speculate that the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, which Gaimar is referring us to, is an interpolated copy of ASC and which obviously did not tally with any extant copy which we now possess.

We can see Henry Blois has scarfed in the interpolations into Gaimar’s text and it becomes obvious that Gaimar is being used in the same way that Henry Blois had used William of Malmesbury’s DA and GR. Whereas, Henry, while interpolating DA, is fabricating material as a proof of antiquity for Glastonbury and to substantiate his ‘first and second agendas’; by contrast in Gaimar’s work, he makes small inconsequential changes in the main text that Gaimar has written. He interpolates small inserted passages which corroborate some of his Arthurian lore found in HRB.

The real accomplishment, is the epilogue concerning Walter and his ‘good book’. Henry Blois did at first write a different epilogue based upon lines Gaimar had written which we shall also cover here. There are several parts in Gaimar’s text which mirror the fabricated HRB, but just to highlight the method employed…. we will look at some of the more blatant Arthuriana. The highlighted black print is indicating what was originally in Gaimar’s work and one can see the passages flow if one takes out the insert. L’estoire des Engles starts with an improvisation which gets right to the point of the introduction…. which is to provide another source which backs up the phony Arthurian history created in HRB.

Heretofore in the former book,

If you remember it,

You have heard how perfectly

Constantine held the dominion after Arthur;

And how Iwain was made King

Of Murray and of Lothian.527

But afterwards he fared right ill.

All their best kindred died,

And the Saxons spread themselves,

Who had come with Cerdic,

From the Humber as far as Caithness.

Modred the King had given it to them.

527Gaimar, L’estoire des Engles, 5.  Wace does not say that Muref and Loeneis were given to Iwain, but  Scotland (Brut, ii. 226). Geoffrey of Monmouth (ix. 9) says that Mureif was given to Urien, Iwain’s father.

So they seized, and wholly occupied

The land which once Hengist held.

This they claimed as their heritage,

For Hengist was of their lineage.

Behold the occasion,

By which the Britons came into great trouble,

So did the Scots and Picts,

The Welsh and the Cymri.

Such war the outlandish folk made,

Britain came to great grief.

The English every day increased.

For they often came from over sea.

Those from Saxony and Almain

Joined their company

For the sake of Dan Hengist, their ancestor,

The others made them lords.

Every-day as they conquered

From the English, they explored the land.

The land which they went on conquering,

They called it England,

Behold a cause

By which Britain lost its name.

And the nephews of Arthur reigned,

Who warred against the English.

But the Danes hated them much.

Because of their kindred, who had died

In the battles which Arthur fought

Against Modret, whom, he afterwards slew.

If that is true that Gildas said

In the Geste, he found written

That there were two Kings formerly in Britain

When Constantine was chief.

This Constantine was the nephew of Arthur,

Who had the sword Caliburc.528

One of the Kings had for his name Adelbrit.

He was a rich man, also he was a Dane.

The other had for his name Edelsie.

His were Lincoln and Lindsey.

From the Humber to Rutland

The land was under his command.

Alvive529 was her name: She reared me.

Well she cared for me while she lived,

She brought me up. So said my mother,

I was the daughter of Grim, a companion of hers.

But it happened in your land,

That King Arthur came to conquer it,

For his tribute, which they withheld from him,

With many men he came to the land,

To King Gunter he seemed an enemy,

Near the sea he gave him battle,

Slain was King Gunter,

And many knights on both sides.

The land gave what Arthur would.

But the queen, because of the war,

Could not remain in the land,

So she fled with the right heir.

You are he, as I believe

Dan Haveloc, the King’s son.

Who then was a powerful King530

Over the other folk in this land.

On account of his lord, who was dead,

By the power of Arthur the strong;

Whom he had by treason sent for,

And had given him this country.

Because he was treacherous and cruel,

Many took counsel together,

That they should never hold with him,

Nor take land of him,

Until they knew of the right heir,

The truth about his life or death.

This King who then was in the country,

Was the brother of King Aschis

Who met his death for Arthur

Where Modred did him such wrong,

His name was Odulf the King;

Much was he hated by his Danes.

528Gaimar, L’estoire des Engles, 30

529Gaimar, L’estoire des Engles, 405

530Gaimar, L’estoire des Engles, 510

Afterwards Eadgar, his brother, reigned.

He held the land as an emperor.

In his time he bettered the land.

He had peace everywhere, there was no war.

He alone ruled over all the Kings,

And over the Scotch and the Welsh.

Never since Arthur departed

Had any King such power.

The King much loved Holy Church.

Of wrong and of right, he knew the manner.531

531Gaimar, L’estoire des Engles 3573

One can see these are simple insertions to the text which serve no other purpose than to propagandise the Arthuriana maintained in HRB and to appear as if Gildas bears witness to Arthur. We know the only place this takes place is in Henry’s impersonation of Caradoc of Llancarfans’s concocted Life of Gildas.

There is an earlier Gaimar epilogue in manuscripts D&L which also show Henry’s hand and it is mainly identified with his agenda in pursuit of Metropolitan status and backing up the authenticity of fabrications found in HRB:

The tenth is Cornwall.532

The men are valiant in battle.

Corineus settled it;

He who drove out the giants.

Henry’s concern in the later epilogue is purely defensive. The later epilogue is constructed ostensibly so that Gaimar appears to know of the ‘good book of Oxford’. Thereby, ‘Geoffrey’ was not found to be bearing false witness by insisting he had merely translated an old book; rather than what many suspected had been fabricated.

But I will speak of the Welsh.533

I will tell of the people there.

In Wales there are many cities,

Which were highly renowned,

As Caerwent and Caerleon,

And the city of Snowdon.

And there are five bishoprics,

And a master archbishopric.

Of these there are none left

But three, of which, I will tell you the sees.

One is at St. David’s,

Which before was at Caerleon.

This was once the archbishopric,

Now it is a poor bishopric.

The other is settled at Bangor.

Glamorgan is the third.

532Gaimar’s Early epilogue ,123

533Gaimar, L’estoire des Engles, 201

They are not in any city,

In consequence of war they are deserted.

But still we know well

That the bishop has the pallium

Of St. David, as he claimed it.

We know well he went to Rome.

Now there is no city left,

For all the country is destroyed,

First by the Saxons,

Then by the war of the Britons;

On the other side, since the French

Have defeated the English

And conquered the land

By fire, by famine, and by war,

They have passed the water of Severn,

And waged war on the Welsh,

And spied out the land.

They conquered much of the land,

And set very grievous laws on it;

For they drove out the Welsh,

They settled in the land;

They built many castles there,

Which are right good and fair.

But natheless often times

Well have the Welsh avenged themselves.

Many of our French have they slain,

Some of our castles they have taken;

Openly they go about saying,

Fiercely they threaten us,

That in the end they will have all;

By means of Arthur they will win it back;

And this land all together

They will take from the Latin folk,

They will give back its name to the land,

They will call it Britain again.

Now we will hold our peace about the Welsh,

And speak of the roads

Which were made in this country.

King Belinus had them made.

The first goes from the east

Until it comes to the west.

It crosses the country.

Ikenild the road is called.

The second, according to the Saxons,

Ermingestreet still we call it.

This road is well known.

From the north it goes straight to the south.

The third is far famed.

Watlingstreet it is called.

At Dover this road begins.

Right at Chester it ends.

It takes the length of the land.

The fourth is very wearisome.

This road is called Foss.

It goes through many cities.

It begins at Totness,

And goes as far as Caithness.

Seven hundred leagues is it reckoned.

This road is far famed.

Belinus who had them made

Placed them in great freedom.

Whoever was outlawed

Should have his peace on these roads.

We have described to you the counties

Of the land, and the bishoprics,

And the names of the four roads

Now thus will we leave it.

Here ends the history of the English.

Realistically, St David’s was never a metropolitan534 and it was mainly Henry Blois’ friendship with Bernard which prompted the third archflamen to be included in the First Variant as Bernard had the same aim as Henry. It was entirely an invention that a metropolitan once existed at Caerleon and this was introduced into Arthurian lore to show that in King Arthur’s era metropolitans which had once stood, no longer existed. Hence, Henry’s ploy was that both Winchester and St David’s should be reinstated. St David’s on merit that it had been an Archbishopric previously, Winchester because it had a monastery (as attested in HRB) long before Augustine’s Canterbury was given the honour of primacy. Giraldus also took up the mantle later after Bernard died.

534We should disregard Rhygyfarch’s Life of St David as his allusion is not to metropolitan specifically, ’Saint David, archbishop of all Britannia’.

This aside, we know that Belinus did not exist historically. He is a fictional character re-invented here in Gaimar by Henry Blois. As Tatlock suggests, his name is based upon a vassal of Henry Blois’ brother Count Theobald of Blois. There was also a fictional King Belinus in Nennius at the time of Caesar (not mentioned in Roman annals) and so he too might be ‘Geoffrey’s’ inspirational source and again indicates there are ‘doubts concerning the British History attributed to Nennius’ (Newell) regarding suspected interpolations.

Brennius the Gaulish invader of Rome, however, is based on historical fact and appears in Bede. Henry Blois as usual mixes fact with fiction, so their conquest on Rome seemingly has a basis in history. Henry Blois envisages Belinus as a great builder. After founding Caerleon, he has Belinus as the builder of the Tower of London in the fourth century BC. The Tower535 was instigated by Henry Blois’ Grandfather and Henry knows full well who built it…. so, it is no wonder the same Belinus builds the roads in Britain.

The point is that Belinus is ‘Geoffrey’s’ invention. We know that the person who envisages the great engineer Belinus in Gaimar’s earlier epilogue is one and the same with the writer of HRB. Henry only later changes the epilogue to suit the purpose at that time…. just as he added the last paragraph to Caradoc when it suited his purpose.

The Early epilogue corroborates his historicity in First Variant and acts as corroborative evidence on the Metropolitan issues. The latter epilogue acts as a confusion of sources, material and authors, as to how the Vulgate HRB might be found credible in its assertion that it is a translation from an old book. The investigator into what has transpired here should inquire how Wace’s Roman de Brut is mirrored in a work supposedly to have been written by Gaimar and put forward as the unwritten L’estoire des Bretons…. which just happens to also use the same source as ‘Geoffrey’ in his translation…. which supposedly constitutes Vulgate HRB.  Modern scholarship’s understanding that Wace’s Roman de Brut replaces the unwritten L’estoire des Bretons on literary merit and accompanies all the copies of Gaimar (because of this fact) is naïve. It is Henry who put the two together and distributed the manuscripts.

Henry loves to provide answers giving eponyms or how things came into existence to amaze his readers. As I have maintained, Henry Blois spent time in 1136, just after his brother was installed on the throne, putting down rebellion in South Wales. This is where he gets his knowledge to compose concerning the topography and archaeology of Wales and what would have been in GS (if the pages were not missing from the manuscript); but his personal observations about castles in GS always stands out, as he himself is a builder.  It is no surprise then we find in Gaimar’s first epilogue the observations found in GS: They built many castles there, which are right good and fair.

Again, the hope of the Britons is expressed in the earlier epilogue:

Openly they go about saying,536

Fiercely they threaten us,

That in the end they will have all;

By means of Arthur they will win it back;

And this land all together

They will take from the Latin folk,

They will give back its name to the land,

They will call it Britain again.

535In the prophecies Henry even refers to the three predecessors of Stephen: Thereafter shall a tree rise up above the Tower of London, that thrusting forth three branches only shall overshadow all the face of the whole island with the spreading breadth of the leaves thereof. Henry knew the tower was built by William the Conqueror. We know from William of Mamesbury’s GR where he tells of Edward the Confessor’s prophetic vision in which a tree is split and symbolises the English royal house. Not by coincidence…. so too does ‘Geoffrey’ have Merlin see the Norman royal house as a spreading tree growing from the tower of London symbolising his Grandfather’s sons Robert Curhose, Henry I and William II.

536Gaimar’s earlier epilogue written by Henry.

One part of ‘Geoffrey’s’ pseudo-history which has baffled scholars is why there is the flattering imperialism in Vulgate HRB which appears to be toned down in the First Variant. For all ‘Geoffrey’s’ mad claim to imperialism there is but one witness. It seems safe to speculate that Haveloc the Dane was composed by Gaimar where Henry Blois just inserts small interpolations; so that the claims of conquering Denmark in HRB are conveniently substantiated by an independent source or at least we are supposed to think this.

Again, we can see where the Blois Arthuriana is inserted into existing text:

I will relate you the adventure.537

Haveloc was this King named.

And Cuaran is he called.

Therefore, I mean to tell you of him,

And recall his adventures, 

Of which the Bretons made a lay.

They called it from his name

Both Haveloc and Cuaran,

Of his father I will tell first.

Gunter was his name, he was a Dane.

He held the land, he was King.

At the time that Arthur reigned,

He crossed the sea towards Denmark.

He would make the land submit to him,

And have tribute of the King.

With King Gunter he fought.

And with the Danes, and conquered.

The King himself was killed.

And many others of the country.

Hodulf slew him by treason,

Who always had a felon heart.

When Arthur had ended his war

Hodulf gave him all the land,

And the homage of his barons.

When he departed with his Britons;

Some by constraint, some by fear,

Most of them served Hodulf.

Some there were who sought his ruin

By the advice of Sigar the Stallere,

Who was a good and rich man,

And well knew how to war.

He had the horn to keep

Which no one could sound

Unless he were right heir of the lineage,

Which was over the Danes by inheritance.

Before King Arthur came.

Or had fought with the Danes,

Gunter had his castle

On the sea shore, strong and fair.

537Gaimar, Haveloc the Dane ,16

Again, this last Arthurian reference is inserted purely to back up what is written in HRB:

Your father was King Gunter,538

Who was lord over the Danes;

Hodulf slew him by treason,

Whoever had a felon heart.

King Arthur enfeoffed Hodulf,

And gave him Denmark.

Grim, our father, fled,

To save you he left his land.

Thy mother died at sea;

For our ship was attacked

By outlaws, who seized us.

Lastly, to show there is no end to the devices which Henry employs, this next section is also found in L’estoire des Engles:

Then was Cirencester besieged.539

But by the negligence of the Britons

It was set on fire by sparrows,

Which carried fire and sulphur into the town.

And set light to many houses.

And the besiegers who were outside

Made an assault with great courage.

Then was this city conquered,

And Gloucester was taken.

As far as the Severn they conquered all.

They killed all the best Britons.

And from the sea, to which they came,

As far as the Severn, they took to themselves

All the country and the Kingdom,

And they drove out the Britons.

538Gaimar, Haveloc the Dane, 597

539Gaimar, L’estoire des Engles ,858

As we have discussed already the burning of the castle at Cirencester and the sparrows is fabricated entirely by Henry after having seen the fort burn in 1142 with his brother. Yet, he mentions this in the VM: This wolf will lay siege to Cirencester and by means of sparrows raze its walls and houses to the ground. He will then set off for France with a fleet, but will die by a King’s spear.

The reader may remember the discussion of how Robert of Gloucester died which no chronicler relates, yet Henry Blois has an inkling stating through Merlin in one version by the weapon of a king and above by the spear of a King. At Cirencester in 1141 the Empress and Robert, Earl of Gloucester built a ‘motte and bailey’ castle. 

Henry also delights through Wace by giving the Sparewencestre etymological rubbish. There is no stopping his muses of invention, but here we have three tracts, Wace, Gaimar and VM…. all written by Henry Blois with this story from personal experience.

Henry has his ‘book at Winchester’ and in his interpolation into Gaimar, he concocts a story of how this marvellous book which contained cross reference material to Geoffrey’s HRB came to be found chained up at Winchester so that his faux history could be ‘authenticated’:

The sixth Oswald, the seventh Oswiu. 2315

But the land did not go thus.

So that no man, except by war,

Knew how went the land.

Nor at that time did anyone know

Who belonged to each King.

But monks and canons of abbeys,

Who wrote the lives of Kings.

Each applied to his companion

to show the true account

Of the Kings; how long each reigned,

How he was called; how he died;

Who was killed, and who deceased.

Who are preserved, and who decayed.

And of the bishops also

The clerks kept record.

Chronicles, it is called, a big book.

The English went about collecting it.

Now it is thus authenticated;

So that at Winchester, in the cathedral,

There is the true history of the Kings,

And their lives and their memorials.

King Alfred had it in his possession,

And had it bound with a chain.

Who wished to read, might well see it,

But not remove it from its place.

The eighth King- was named Ceawlin.

He had the West Saxons with him.

He was King of one part.540

540Gaimar 2315

This book of Chronicles, supposedly written by clerics from around Britain in Alfred’s time, would have made a brilliant read. It was obviously put together on the basis of ASC by Henry Blois and hereby given credence being extant in antiquity by Gaimar. Unfortunately, it is no longer extant, but must have been vastly corroborative to the pseudo-history and Arthuriana found in HRB.

We would be foolish to believe in Walter’s knowledge of an old book which was given to Geoffrey. ‘Geoffrey’s’ work was received and propagated in Wales and much of the phony corroborative evidence for Henry Blois’ concoction of HRB, (like Geoffrey’s date of death etc.) is established by interpolations in the Book of Llandaff after Geoffrey’s supposed death.

Ironically, it is suggested by modern scholars that Caradoc is suspected of helping substantiate parts of Geoffrey’s HRB in the Book of Llandaff, because they think he was a contemporary because they are duped by the colophon in HRB.   Henry Blois obviously had Welsh monks known to him in monastic houses. ‘Geoffrey’s’ HRB would have to be the source of Chivalric Arthuriana in Wales rather than any Welsh warlord Arthurian tradition. Henry puts the final icing on the cake regarding ‘Geoffrey’s’ and Walter’s relationship, so that every investigator to date has believed Henry’s ruse.

In the Welsh history known as Tysilio’s Chronicle, (identified ridiculously by Flinders Petrie as the source used by Geoffrey of Monmouth), Henry Blois has a script written in Welsh which pretends to be written by Saint Tysilio, a Welsh bishop who died 640. At the end of Tysilio’s Chronicle Walter Archdeacon of Oxford supposedly writes: I, Walter, Archdeacon of Oxford, translated this book from the Welsh into Latin, and in my old age have again translated it from the Latin into Welsh.

The very concept is ludicrous…. of a man translating from Welsh into Latin and then carrying out the same exercise in reverse. There would be no point. As a fabrication, what Henry is establishing here is that Walter’s book was first written in Welsh, (which of course we are led to believe or understand to be the ancient Briton language)…. and therefore, could be the book from which ‘Geoffrey’ is supposedly translating.  Through this ruse we are made to believe that ‘Geoffrey’ did have an ancient book to translate from, since anecdotal HRB material is found in the chronicle. Regardless of the futile act that Walter is supposedly carrying out in old age, his name is now connected to the Vulgate Version of HRB and corroborated from an exterior source; just as Henry portrays through Gaimar’s epilogue.  The illusion has remained for nearly 900 years.

Caradoc of Llancarfan

 

‘Since the name Ineswitrin suddenly appears as an afterthought in Caradoc’s Life of Gildas, its appearance in that manuscript is obviously bound up with substantiating the 601 charter which in reality donates an Island in Devon to the old church at Glastonbury.

 

Henry Blois in his desire to obtain metropolitan status and for the purpose of countering Osbern’s false statement implying Dunstan was the first Abbot of Glastonbury, has composed the Life of Gildas as it exists today. One would think it un-necessary of William of Malmesbury to dismiss Caradoc’s work concerning his kidnap of Guinevere episode, if indeed it was true that Malmesbury was referring to this episode while referring to Arthur’s renown as idle tales of the Britons.

 

 However, Malmesbury is more likely to have been referring to those references of Arthur in Nennius. However, if Caradoc and William really were contemporaneous as the colophon in Vulgate HRB implies, it seems positive after William’s research at Glastonbury he would have referred to Caradoc’s life of Gildas contextually if indeed it had been in the public domain when composing his other works at Glastonbury. We know that any reference in DA which confirms content foun d in the Life of Gildas is however a Blois interpolation as I clearly highlight in the section on the DA.

 

Is it strange that William of Malmesbury does not mention Caradoc…. if Caradoc really had been a contemporary at Glastonbury and Caradoc was writing a flatulent recast of his own life of St Cadoc in the form of the Life of Gildas which evidently we know now was composed by Henry Blois.

 

 Caradoc was certainly dead when Henry Blois came across his  manuscript of the Life of St Cadoc while in Wales in 1136. Henry Blois based his own Life of Gildas on Caradoc’s genuine Life of St Cadoc and makes it appear at a later date in 1155 as if Caradoc was a conteporary of both Huntingdon and Malmesbury in the historian colophon in the Vulgate HRB. Also Henry Blois has tried to imply that Caradoc had taken up the mantle of continuing ‘Geoffrey’s’ HRB by composing the Brut y Tywysogion.

 

This supposed contemporaneity is in fact carried out retro-actively by back dating the Vulgate HRB (from 1155) by citing dead dedicatees as patrons of Geoffrey. So, why is Caradoc singled out so favourably in the Colophon?  The reason is that Caradoc is not in reality contemporaneous, and we are being led to believe he is. Henry Blois had previously employed his name as the supposed author of the Life of Gildas when attempting to create an antiquity in response to Osbern’s accusation and indeed his own folly of fabricating a story which implied Dunstan was buried at Glastonbury (which spawned Eadmer’s Letter).

 

The subtle point of this is that we must remember the colophon is being written c.1155-58 and Henry Blois ostensibly demonstrates that the author of HRB (i.e. himself) could not be impersonating a dead Caradoc by producing corroborative evidence of Arthur at Glastonbury found in the Life of Gildas. We are led to believe Caradoc is supposedly alive in 1143 when William of Malmesbury was still alive. Also, we should remember Henry has no axe to grind with Caradoc…. he merely impersonates him as author of Life of Gildas. Contrarily, Henry Blois (as we have covered) has been slighted by both Malmesbury and Huntingdon in their outputs and so with an air of importance he dismisses their authority.

 

Of the lives of St Dunstan written prior to William’s own VD I and VD II which include material from author B’s edition of the life of Dunstan, Adelard’s, Osbern’s and Eadmer’s and in William’s other saint’s lives, and in GP….. there is no mention of Ineswitrin. An odd occurrence if it really were the old name for Glastonbury. The name featured no-where else in previous hagiographic accounts.

 

So, we can take it as a fact that Ineswitrin was not the old name for Glastonbury which I clearly demonstrate in the section on the 601 charter which features Ineswitrin. We can also accept it as a truth that its name was lost in time like the old language of the Britons that William so detested. 

More importantly and the very reason for this present investigation is why was this island donated to Glastonbury at the time of the Saxon invasion and the question of what was deposited on the island of Ineswitrin in a bygone age c.34 AD. If the bodies in the cave on Burgh Island are found to be the relics of Jesus and Joseph, it will rock the foundation and destroy the Catholic Church.

 

If Caradoc’s brief little volume of the life of Gildas existed while both William and Caradoc were supposedly contemporary at Glastonbury, William of Malmesbury would have mentioned Ineswitrin (excepting the 601charter which mentions it as an exemplified on an existing document in the unadulterated DA) or referred to Caradoc’s Life of Gildas.  but William had left Glastonbury to attempt receiving some form of recompense for his endeavours c.1134 by presenting his DA to Henry at Winchester.

All that ostensibly persists (regarding what we are supposed to think was William’s view of Gildas at Glastonbury) is the interpolation in GR3 (version B) and DA, regarding Gildas’ stay at Glastonbury which obviously was generated by Henry Blois to corroborate.

 

This is a direct indication that the 601 charter and Caradoc’s Life of Gildas are intricately linked and were utilised in the 1144 gambit for metropolitan status by Henry Blois where the 601 charter was the main physical evidence of the proof of antiquity for the abbey at Glastonbury and HRB’s professions of longevity for Winchester.

 

The 601 charter would only withstand scrutiny as long as it could be shown that the name Ineswitrin applied to Glastonbury. The St Patrick charter which has both Ineswitrin (and Avalon mentioned in the postscript in DA of the charter but added later), was employed latterly in 1149 and employs the further embellishments stated in that charter. The postscript to the St Patrick Charter mentioning Avalon in DA is part of Henry’s ‘second agenda’ (post 1158)

 

It is through Caradoc’s Life of Gildas that Henry Blois convinces us that William of Malmesbury’s 601 charter concerning Ineswitrin was the previous name for Glastonbury and he also re-iterates this same position as he employs the St Patrick charter in his second attempt at gaining Metropolitan status in 1149.

 

William, (except in Henry’s interpolations in DA and through Henry’s authorship of Life of Gildas), does not in any way infer that Ineswitrin is synonymous with Glastonbury. William of Malmesbury is merely including the 601 Charter in GR3 along with a few other up-dates which we shall cover shortly. If Henry Blois had not written the final paragraph in the Life of Gildas establishing Ineswitrin as the old name for Glastonbury; the charter would be referring to an ‘estate’ of five cassates541 existing on an island somewhere unknown (which in reality it does).

 

541See image 3

 It was more important to establish Glastonbury as synonymous with the Ineswitrin mentioned in the 601 charter for credibility’s sake…. as the physical evidence of the antiquated charter itself was unchangeable. The 601 charter was to be handed to papal authorities in evidence which was to help Henry aquire Metropolitan status for Winchester but by consequence the whole of south west England (including Glastonbury). It is the charter itself which comprises a substantial part of Henry Blois’ case in Rome and the first question would be concerning the 601 charter’s authenticity…. where is Ineswitrin?

Henry Blois was much younger than his brothers Theobald and Stephen.  Therefore, for a considerable time Henry was a Grandee in England through his family connections after they had died.  His appointment to Glastonbury and Winchester both held at the same time was unusual and was only sanctioned by having such illustrious family connections.

It was his ease at court and his knowledge of how history records only Kings and Queens which gave him the confidence to commence  composition of the pseudo-history as a fabricated history (which was in fact the precursor of the Primary Historia found at Bec). It was Henry’s intricate knowledge of court affairs and of events in the anarchy which gave Merlin his insight in the prophecies. Henry knew the intricate details of his family’s forebears to be able to construct prophecies about the ‘white ship’ and his uncle etc. Who else would take the liberty to invent such a fraudulent edifice?

Scott is basically correct in that the first 34 chapters of DA are not William’s work. It would not seem stupid to speculate that folios were adeptly forged which matched William’s text and style and inserted at the beginning of the extant account of DA where William commences his proof of antiquity at 601 AD.

Therefore, the body of William’s work has remained relatively untouched in the latter half of DA…. This becomes apparent in that Henry’s probable format (following William’s original) is still held in our current DA where Henry’s last consolidating additions concerning Joseph are at the beginning…. inserted into the monograph copy (and subsequent to his own previous interpolations). which later was copied by scribes from one of Henry’s many scriptoriums.

We have discussed already the variation in storyline and the unlikely omission by Huntingdon to mention Avalon in his précis which constitutes EAW. If it had been originally mentioned as part of the storyline in the Primary Historia, Huntingdon would have commented on it while mentioning the hope of the Britons/Bretons with which he concludes EAW. Especially since Arthur’s return was the hope of the Britons and Arthur’s last known location (if it had been part of EAW) was on Avalon.

Henry Blois knew of Caradoc’s Brut y Tywysogion and ends his HRB where Caradoc starts his tract in the era of Cadwallader and Pope Sergius, who was Pope from 15 December 687 to his death in 701.

The impersonation of Caradoc of Lancarfan was chosen by Henry Blois because (contrary to the current understanding of modern scholarship) the body of Brut y Tywysogion was written by Caradoc prior to the Primary Historia.

The Brut y Tywysogion chronicle commences A.D. 680. It does not give the events under each year, but under each decade as 690, 700, 710 etc. and registers a series of occurrences without comment until six or seven years prior to 1100. This historical section must obviously have been taken from another source by Caradoc or is his own compendium of events.However, just prior to 1100 in the tract, one can witness Caradoc takes over in his own narrative in an era from his own experience and memory.

About 1100 AD, the Brut y Tywysogion commences the use of the phrase “Y vlwydyn rac wyneb,” (the ensuing year,) before each year, under which events are recorded, until the next decade, successively…. and the narrative is carried on in a uniform style to the year 1120.

Now, the editors of the History and Antiquities of Saint David’s, referring to Nova Legenda Angliae, fol. iv, as their authority, place the death of Caradog in 1124. This may be explained logically in reality by the death of Caradoc at that time. (We know ‘Geoffrey’s’ misleading contemporaneity with Huntingdon and Malmesbury is a sham).

Also, at this period, again, a remarkable alteration is very evident; in that, the narrative of the events in Caradoc’s chronicle of the twenty years between 1100 and 1120 occupies a space double to that devoted to the history of the period which elapsed between 1120 and 1164 (Henry died 1171). So, it is not unfounded to assume that this is the period  1100-1120 naturally expanded upon by Caradoc while writing  the Chronicle in his own era. But, there is also something else which might indicate that Caradoc actually died in 1129.

After continuing the history recorded in the Brut y Tywysogion we come to a point where the manuscript weirdly records itself as having nothing to record in 1130:  Four years after that, that is to say, one thousand one hundred and thirty was the year of Christ, when there were four successive years without any story to be found, that could be preserved in memory.

This in itself is already strange in that, a chronicle written by someone supposedly alive says nothing happened. This is quite ridiculous for a chronicler to make such a statement. If someone is taking over a chronicle at a point four years after the previous author died and trying to continue the same format he would have to be aware of what transpired.  So, from 1130 to 1134 the world apparently stands still in Wales. Now, if Caradoc as Geoffrey suggests was alive in 1120 (when he expounds about recent events) and is supposedly still alive in 1143 when we know Malmesbury died….why,if continuing on with his chronicle could there be nothing preserved in his own memory especially with the Norman incursions and perpetual squabbles between the Welsh themselves. In other words Caradoc dies and a continuator takes up the mantle from 1134.

Following this we enter into a history about the struggles of the Welsh with Stephen and under the year 1134: And the ensuing year, Henry, son of William the Bastard, King of England and Wales, and of all the island besides, died in Normandy, on the third day of the month of December.  And after him his nephew, Stephen of Blois, took the crown of the Kingdom by force, and bravely brought all the South of England under his sway.

Now, if the author who has picked up Caradoc’s Brut y Tywysogion refers to Stephen as brave, this is strange from a Welsh point of view. There is nothing to say that a Welsh speaking continuator continued the journal from this point onward. More likely is that Henry got his hands on it while in Wales in 1136 and had a scribe continue its chronology.

My suggestion is that Caradoc’s death coincided with the period where there was nothing to report before the next author takes up the continuation. I am suggesting that Caradoc died c.1129 and thus Henry Blois used his name to write the propagandist polemic called the life of Gildas.542This initially was an innocuous work which put Gildas at Glastonbury with King Arthur, but essentially was a work designed to add credence to the antiquity of Glastonbury abbey. Don’t forget 1139 would be when Henry was on his way to Rome and instigated the only other reference to the Kidnap of Guinevere in the engraving on the Modena Archivolt. We know Henry wrote the Life of Gildas and concocted the ‘Kidnap’ story, but knowing Henry’s modus operandi; He would not have used Caradoc’s name as author of the Life of Gildas unless he knew Caradoc was dead. Take this deduction with what his chronicle ridiculously states and one might conclude why there is no news for a four year period!!

542Henry Blois (as ‘Geoffrey’) constructs the HRB to end where Caradoc’s Brut begins. Caradoc may have died as early as 1126-29 when Henry was at Glastonbury. The fact that he is hailed as contemporary to ‘Geoffrey’ in the Colophon is irrelevant…. as this could only have been written after 1155 (defined by the updated prophecies in the Vulgate version) and the need to backdate the prophecies after the seditious prophecies were made public. 

Many commentators drawn into Henry Blois’ clever devise of backdating Vulgate HRB, assume Caradoc took up the mantle passed to him by ‘Geoffrey’ after completion of HRB. It is made plain in the colophon that Caradoc is supposedly ‘contemporary’ with ‘Geoffrey’. Henry imposters Caradoc’s name c.1136-9 to compose the life of Gildas simply because Caradoc had written Brut y Tywysogion.  If Caradoc had not written Brut y Tywysogion, and Geoffrey had not picked it up in Wales there would be no point or grounds for impersonating him when producing the polemic provided in Life of Gildas. This time-line also fits for the engravings on the Modena Archivolt and Henry’s trip to Rome.

There would be little point in carrying out the charade in the colophon which portrays Caradoc as a continuator of HRB if ‘Geoffrey’ did not already know there was a continuation from the date that Caradoc starts his account. That is the whole point of ‘Geoffrey’ supposedly ‘supplying the materials’ for the continuation so that it appears so.

Is Caradoc really supposed to have the book which informs him more perfectly than the other two historians and enables his continuation? The reader must now definitively conclude that the source book is a sham; so is ‘Geoffrey’s’ contemporeinty with Caradoc.

The effect of the use of Caradoc’s name in the Colophon was twofold. Firstly, a real chronicler with an already composed work was made to appear to have carried out Geoffrey’s wishes. Secondly this work also added credence to the other volume (the Life of Gildas) into which Henry Blois impostures Caradoc’s name.

Both Henry of Huntingdon, William of Malmesbury and of course Caradoc were dead at the time this colophon was written. The reason for inclusion of their names was to put Caradoc on an equal footing being accounted as a comparative historian, (but only by what he had written before his death). This in effect contributed more authority to the Life of Gildas which Henry had himself produced to highlight the prominence of Glastonbury by having an Abbot that converses with King Arthur and Gildas. By seeming to have granted permission to a named continuator in the person of Caradoc…. Henry also adds to ‘Geoffrey’s’ supposed authority as a historian.

The fact that ‘Geoffrey’ calls Caradoc his contemporary is purely a device which implies Caradoc is alive. The obvious intention of this was to back date the Vulgate version of the HRB from 1155 by twenty years or so…. to when William of Mamesbury was alive. Henry’s illusion gave the appearance that, in the interim, the Brut y Tywysogion had been written.

We covered above, at the end of the chronicle called Brut Tysilio543 the following statement: I, Walter, Archdeacon of Oxford, translated this Book from Welsh into Latin, and in my old age I translated it a second time from Latin into Welsh…

543Myvyrian Archaiology. vol. ii

WS not goingHenry Blois’ ploy is more evident in trying to provide a personal detail of contact between himself (Geoffrey) and Caradoc in his ongoing promotion and is witnessed in the two copies, which are printed in the Myvyrian Archaiology, vol. ii: The princes who were afterwards successively over Wales, I committed to Caradog of Llancarvan; he was, my contemporary, and to him I left materials for writing that book. From henceforward the Kings of the English and their successors I committed to William of Malmesbury and Henry of Huntington, to write about, but they were to leave the Welsh alone; for they do not possess that Welsh book, which Walter, archdeacon of Oxford, translated from Latin into Welsh; and he narrated truly and fully from the history of the aforesaid Welshmen’.

In other words, we are led to believe ‘Geoffrey’ provides the materials to Caradoc. It is plain common sense that once Henry Blois’ fraud is unveiled that there is no ‘Geoffrey of Monmouth’ and there is no modern scholar wishing to put his head above the parapet and admit that the Vulgate HRB has devises within the text which are not true and in essence back date the publication from the real date when it was ‘made public’ in 1155.

No-one but Henry Blois would make such a statement, (i.e. no later continuator or interpolator), as there is simply no advantage, except in showing that Caradoc is alive to accept the materials for writing that book. Therefore, Henry has not only backdated the Vulgate HRB, but has us unequivocally believe that Caradoc is the continuator of HRB as ‘Geoffrey’ is supposedly supplying the materials to carry out the composition. We even have the composition!!

We are left with a ridiculous anachronism if scholarship’s views are adhered to. Especially, if we consider the old book from which ‘Geoffrey’ was supposedly translating is non-existent. If Caradoc really was the continuator, how is the Brut so different in format from what we know Caradoc actually wrote? Why does the difference in chronology start when others attest he died at that time? We must assume Caradoc dies c.1129.

‘Geoffrey’ really does not do dates in the HRB  in general for chronology is the inhibitor to his creative historicity, especially with the fictional Chivalric King Arthur. ‘Geoffrey’ just distributes throughout his work synchronicities with other contemporaneous events to give the appearance of truth and the seeming appearance of sound chronology.

The only reason that Walter’s book is ever posited is because ‘people’, after 1155, were starting to wonder who Galfridus Arthur or Geoffrey of Monmouth was…. and how he was able to give such specific information, of which other ancient chroniclers were unaware. An authority was invented in the form of a fictitious book ex Brittanica to prevent accusation to the author ‘Geoffrey’ of the invention and deeds of a fictional King Arthur.

Henry must have put a lot of work into the pseudo-history before Henry I died and one thing he was not going to do after its purpose for which he had hoped it could be employed had become redundant after the death of Henry Ist and his efforts in composing this manuscript had never seen the light of day and had laid dormant for years. But while in Wales in 1138 he  was not going to let his initial efforts go to waste and determined to compose the Primary Historia. The pseudo-historia had to be different from the Primary Historia for Henry to have developed the Arthuriad by his experience in Wales in 1136.

What was initially aimed at being an informative and interesting history had caused a stir between its first appearance in 1139 and around York c.1147-50, but now in 1155 it had evolved into the Vulgate edition with the malicious prophecies (which had recently come to light); people were asking questions. The accusation was that HRB was termed fabulous or pseudo-historical. To counter this accusation and to avoid the blame of inventing a book of lies (which essentially HRB is)…. Walter’s book was the source, and any-one who lacked it and professed to be a historian, was ill-informed without the book.

Now we see why Gaimar’s epilogue becomes an important part of Henry Blois’ empirical edifice of lies and misdirection. The simple fact is that ‘Geoffrey’ brought his epic to a close at Calwallader because there already was a Welsh history written from that date until 1129 (compiled by Caradoc). Henry Blois is the continuator who adds the fiction about ‘Geoffrey’s’ details.

No-one could make a single enquiry to any living person in the twelvth century  referred to in Vulgate HRB. There was no-one to answer any questions…. and Caradoc, who was ‘Geoffrey’s’ appointed continuator, is known to be dead also. Giraldus Cambrensis informs us that Caradoc was buried in the north transept of St. David’s Cathedral, near the altar of St. Stephen.  He was canonized by Innocent III c.1161-2 at the insistence of Giraldus wierdly enough; who had Henry Blois as his patron. Caradoc the saint…. who would disbelieve Caradoc’s work?!!!

The effect is to give the appearance that in 1155, both Vulgate HRB and its updated prophecies were extant 20 years earlier. Also, the Arthurian and Gildas connection with Glastonbury posited in Life of Gildas by Caradoc (Geoffrey’s continuator), should not be doubted and nor should ‘Geoffrey’s’ word concerning Walter’s book. Walter, supposedly in his own words, says he has translated the same. It is a clever illusion which could only be carried out by one man, when we consider the manufactured history of personas by Henry.

However, Henry Blois’ stroke of genius is that through the colophon in HRB, we are made to believe there is going to be a future continuation set down in writing by Caradoc. Because such a chronological continuation exists, it follows that scholars are led to believe Caradoc dutifully accepts ‘Geoffrey’s’ invitation….especially, as we are told it is ‘Geoffrey’ who is supplying the materials. But, as we saw above, it is written in the past tense: he was, my contemporary and to him I left materials for writing that book. Time has apparently moved on. Whereas I hand over in the matter of writing unto Karadoc of Lancarvan, my contemporary… which once was a future exercise of continuation of a completed composition (i.e. HRB)…. is now openly exposed as it transpired in reality. Don’t forget as we covered earlier in the section on the Oxford charters, Henry does make mistakes in chronology when manufacturing a false trail, where Henry Blois is openly exposed fraudulently applying the signatures to the original charters at Oxford after the fact; because how could a supposed already ordained ‘bishop of Asaph’ apply his signature alongside Archdeacon Walter who died in 1151 when he only became bishop in 1152. Will this evidence make a blind bit of difference to the Blind who lead the Blind.

 Anyway,it is quite preposterous that Caradoc’s chronicle could be considered a continuation from the same book ‘Geoffrey’ supposedly used. The Book of Hergest has a similar colophon, but Henry’s vague description of ex Britannicus is now understood as Walter’s book having originated from Brittany: The Kings that were from that time forward in Wales, I shall commit to Caradog of Llancarvan, my fellow student, to write about; and the Kings of the English to William Malmesbury and Henry Huntington. I shall desire them to be silent about the Kings of the Britons, since they do not possess this Breton Book, which Walter, archdeacon of Oxford, translated from Breton into Welsh, which is truly a collection of their histories, in honour of the said princes.

Now, if the Vulgate version resembled the copy found at Bec, what happened to Avalon, Merlin, and Archflamens in the Bec copy? What was the point in producing the First Variant version in a less expanded form than an already written Vulgate, as is proposed by modern scholars? It is a madness to think HRB was disseminated in its Vulgate form before 1155 and even more foolish to posit the Vulgate version existed in 1139.

Why has Alfred of Beverley not mentioned Caradoc, Walter or  any of the dedicatees or even that there was a source book? Scholars need to understand that in 1147-50 in Alfred’s copy; the trail to ‘Geoffrey’ had not been obfuscated and Galfridus at that time was not from Monmouth!!

‘Amazed’ is Huntingdon at Galfridus Artur’s history, but as a historian (or even as one possessed of common sense), the first thing Huntingdon would do is to locate Walter’s book itself, if it were possible….and ask Alexander for the ‘Original’ of the Merlin prophecies. But, as discussed, the Prophecies or the mention of Merlin were definitively not part of the Primary Historia which Huntingdon witnessed at Bec. The ‘good book’ as the source of the later Vulgate HRB, had not yet been employed.

If any of the dedicatees’ names had appeared or Walter’s book had been mentioned in the Bec copy which Huntingdon saw, surely one of them would be mentioned, even in a synopsis. But no! Not even Merlin warrants a mention by Huntingdon and he is mentioned many times in Vulgate and is integral to the arrival of Stonehenge. Yet, Huntingdon, the first historian to mention and to name Stonehenge (before ‘Geoffrey’) gives another account of Stonehenge without Merlin being mentioned. And yet, we are supposed to accept the view point of modern scholars that EAW omits mention of Merlin because of a proclivity of Hundingdon’s, where he purposefully omits mention of him. Probably, the very reason Geoffrey explains the provenance and use of Stonehenge in later editions is because of Huntingdon’s bewilderment concerning Stonehenge!!!!

It is the genius of backdating and the very reason why only c.1170 we hear the first criticism of ‘Geoffrey’ from Newburgh and later from Gerald 30-40 years after the Vulgate’s publication.  It is only in Henry II’s era that the Vulgate HRB version starts to become popular and propagate.

We know that the chronology of HRB is based upon confusion and conflation, but Malmesbury and Huntingdon are told to leave well alone for they do not possess that Welsh book, which Walter, archdeacon of Oxford, translated from Latin into Welsh; and he narrated truly and fully from the history of the aforesaid Welshmen’. But, how is it that if it is a Welsh book from which Geoffrey is supposedly translating (as he avers)…. do we then have the same book translated back into Welsh by Walter? What would be the point if it already existed in Welsh? Who is writing this false testimony and for what reason?

We know Caradoc of Llancarfan also wrote the second version of the Life of Saint Cadog in which Arthur also figures prominently and which Henry employs as a template for his Life of Gildas. Caradoc obviously wrote in Latin otherwise Henry Blois would not have understood his history and decided to end his Primary Historia at that point.  We  also know the Brut y Tywysogion has survived from an original Latin version, which has not itself survived. One could assume that Henry Blois had a Welsh monk translate them both from Latin into Welsh (with additions).

Archdeacon Walter never had anything to do with or ever possessed any book from Wales or Brittany, or translated any ancient book proposed as the source book for HRB. Archdeacon Walter’s sole claim to fame was that, like Ralf of Monmouth, his name was affixed as a witness on the charters which already existed at Oxford when Henry Blois attended a meeting there in (late 1153) or 1154 (13 of January) when Duke Henry met King Stephen. Shortly before, in late 1153, Gaufridus episcopus sancti Asaphi had supposedly signed on the Winchester treaty.

The name Geoffrey of Monmouth had not been envisaged before January 1154.  The name Ralf of Monmouth, (Galfridus’ supposed compatriot on the said charters), had not yet been associated with Gaufridus, but now became the reason for ‘Geoffrey’s provenance from Monmouth. Do not forget, Alfred of Beverley c.1150 does not refer to a Geoffrey of Monmouth (not once) but to ‘Britannicus’. He avoids using the obvious pseudonym of Gaufridus Artur.

Henry had the HRB translated into Welsh and then had the Chronicle attached as if Caradoc had obeyed Geoffrey’s wish. All the Welsh manuscripts have ‘Geoffrey’ as bishop of Llandaff, so it is not out of character for Henry to confuse us further. It seems apt that the Peniarth Brut gives the date of ‘Geoffrey’s’ death as 1154 as he had signed the Treaty of Winchester just before Christmas in 1153 as the Bishop of Asaph along with another signatory… his puppeteer Henry Blois, the Bishop of Winchester.

It really makes no difference if ‘Geoffrey’ supposedly died in 1155, but what this shows is that it was time to kill off Geoffrey of Monmouth soon after his new appellation was envisaged and evidence of his having actually lived could be verified by his scribble on the charters. So, at the very same time his new title of Geoffrey of Monmouth was being added to Vulgate HRB, along with the other dedicatees, Henry consigns ‘Geoffrey’ to death and lets Robert of Torigni know of  Geoffrey’s elevation to the Bishop of Asaph when he lands at Mont St Michel.544

544Robert of Torigni’s quote under the year 1152 in the Bern MS is that: ‘Geoffrey Arthur, who had translated the History of the Kings of the Britons out of the British into Latin, is made Bishop of St. Asaph in North Wales’. Does it not seem odd that Walter does the same thing and then back into Welsh?

,Galfridus Arthur, the charter signer who became bishop in waiting and then a signatory on the treaty of Winchester, alas had died before he received his title of provenance from Monmouth; and he had died at the very period his work was finally published in the Vulgate form when the seditious prophecies were also published. 

As I have maintained throughout, Caradoc is impersonated as the author of the Life of Gildas. He was however, the author of the second Life of St Cadoc and it is obvious that Henry Blois has modelled his entirely fictitious Life of Gildas by basing it on Caradoc’s genuine Life of St Cadoc. The Life of St Cadoc was originally written by Lifricus, son of Bishop Herwald of Llandaff and himself Archdeacon of Glamorgan and Master of St. Cadog of Llancarfan. Lifricus of Llancarfan (probably before 1086) had written his concoction which overtly pertains to land rights. After the Norman incursion, Llancarfan suffered greatly and land was being usurped by Norman overlords. But Lifric concocted a precedent which he maintains must remain inviolable: according to the agreement which had been previously made with Maelgon and Arthur….

We can now see the reasons Caradoc was employed as a persona through whom Henry propagates his web of lies.  Firstly, Caradoc is dead. Secondly, he has already written a saint’s life which includes anecdotes on Arthur. Thirdly, because Caradoc has already written his chronicle in Latin, he is now recommended as the reliable witness to continue the history of the Kings of Britain by the same person farcically appealing to him as a continuator who possessed the fictitious source book and to whom ‘Geoffrey’ was supplying the materials.

In Caradoc of Llancarfan’s genuine account of the Life of St. Cadoc,  we hear that St. Cadoc:

’In the days of Lent, Saint Cadoc was accustomed to reside in two islands, Barren and Echni and on Palm Sunday, he came to Nantcarvan, and there remained, performing Paschal service, feeding daily one hundred clergymen… It happened that at another time the blessed Cadoc on a certain day sailed with two of his disciples, namely Barruc and Gwalches from the island of Echni, which is now called Holme, to another island named Barry. When therefore he prosperously landed in the harbour, he asked his said disciples for his Enchiridion, that is his manual book; and they confessed that they, through forgetfulness, lost it in the aforesaid island. Which on hearing, he immediately compelled them to go aboard a ship, and sail back to recover their book, and burning with anger, said, “Go, not to return.” Then his disciples, by the command of their master, without delay quickly went aboard a boat, and by sailing, got to the said island. Having obtained the aforesaid volume, they soon in their passage returned to the middle of the sea, and were seen at a distance by the man of God sitting on the top of a hill in Barry, when the boat unexpectedly overturned, and they were drowned. The body of Barruc being cast by the tide on the shore of Barry, was there found, and in that island buried, which from his name is so called to the present time. But the body of the other, namely Gwalches, was carried by the sea to the island of Echni, and was there buried.’

All of Caradoc’s Life of Cadoc is in the same vein as many other hagiographic accounts, and as we can see, St Cadoc in the account is only thirty miles distant from Glastonbury just across the Severn. It is in Life of Cadoc however, where we first meet personalised information concerning Arthur: three vigorous champions, Arthur with his two knights, to wit, Cai and Bedwyr, were sitting on the top of the aforesaid hill playing with dice.  It is certainly the account from which Henry Blois gets the names to have engraved upon the Archivolt at Modena.

The purpose of Henry impersonating Caracoc of Llancarfan and composing the Life of Gildas is to establish pertinent facts relative to Glastonbury’s antiquity.  It establishes that in the time of Gildas there was already an abbot. Osbern is instantly confuted.

St Gildas, because of his contrived connection to Glastonbury is supposedly buried there and this helps the coffers at the abbey; especially, when confirmation of Gildas at Glastonbury is intonated in interpolations in GR3 (version B) and then firmly confirmed as buried at Glastonbury in DA…. as a grave was probably appropriately manufactured.

Henry Blois was clever enough to make it appear as if the author of HRB was entirely different to the person who bears witness of Arthur at Glastonbury (and supposedly what William of Malmesbury wrote concerning Arthur in DA). Again, Henry’s skill at the choice of person upon whom to make the conflation….. is witnessed where Gildas is connected to St Cadoc in the Vita Cadoci, but in that tract, there is no connection between Gildas and Glastonbury.

Henry Blois, posing as Caradoc (now dead), would have us believe about Gildas that: He crossed the Gallic Sea and remained studying well in the cities of Gaul for seven years; and at the end of the seventh year he returned, with a huge mass of volumes, to greater Britain. Having heard of the renown of the illustrious stranger, great numbers of scholars from all parts flocked to him. They heard him explaining with the greatest acuteness the science of the seven rules of discipline.

Undoubtedly, one of these volumes, in Henry’s mind, contained the history from Brutus, but we are stuck with the fact that Gildas did not mention Brutus or Arthur in De Excidio et Conquestu Britanniae. If the reader remembers, Taliesin in VM is also returned to Merlin having been with Gildas. All is totally contrived and really shows that the author of VM is the same as he who connects Arthur to Gildas at Glastonbury!!

Gildas apparently crossed over to Ireland, but we hear: St. Gildas was the contemporary of Arthur, the King of the whole of Britain, whom he loved exceedingly, and whom he always desired to obey’’.

However the high spirited Arthur kills one of Gildas’ twenty three brothers: Gildas, historian of the Britons, who was staying in Ireland directing studies and preaching in the city of Armagh, heard that his brother had been slain by King Arthur……… meanwhile, the most holy Gildas, the venerable historian, came to Britain, bringing with him a very beautiful and sweet-sounding bell, which he vowed to offer as a gift to the Bishop of the Roman Church. He spent the night as a guest honourably entertained by the venerable abbot Cadocus, in Nant Carban. (Henry Blois/Caradoc, Life of Gildas)

We have a different storyline on the bell that we first heard from Caradoc of Llancarfan as Henry Blois conflates Caradoc’s Life of St Cadoc with the present piffle.

In the concocted storyline, Gildas wants to give the bell to the pope but St Cadoc covets it: The latter pointed out the bell to him, and after pointing to it, handled it; and after handling it wished to buy it at a great price; but its possessor would not sell it. When King Arthur and the chief bishops and abbots of all Britain heard of the arrival of Gildas the Wise, large numbers from among the clergy and people gathered together to reconcile Arthur for the above-mentioned murder. But Gildas, as he had done when he first heard the news of his brother’s death, was courteous to his enemy, kissed him as he prayed for forgiveness, and with a most tender heart blessed him as the other kissed in return. When this was done, King Arthur, in grief and tears, accepted penance imposed by the bishops who were present, and led an amended course, as far as he could, until the close of his life.

The main point of this whole preamble is to connect Gildas and Cadoc by including the bell scenario and an incidental trip to Rome, but now Arthur is firmly woven into the story thus far in connection with Gildas.

At Rome, Gildas revealed to the pope that the most holy Cadoc, abbot of the church of Nancarvan, had wished to buy the bell and the pope says he can have it. It is all really mindless babble which is meant to seemingly coincide with Caradoc of Llancarfan’s genuine account of St Cadoc.

So that the reader can witness Henry’s ingenuity, I have included the whole of Henry Blois’ impersonated concoction of the Life of Gildas in appendix 33.

However, back to Gildas: Being thereby exceedingly distressed, he could not remain there any longer: he left the island, embarked on board a small ship, and, in great grief, put in at Glastonia, at the time when King Melvas was reigning in the summer country. He was received with much welcome by the abbot of Glastonia, and taught the brethren and the scattered people, sowing the precious seed of heavenly doctrine. It was there that he wrote the history of the Kings of Britain. Glastonia, that is, the glassy city, which took its name from glass, is a city that had its name originally in the British tongue. It was besieged by the tyrant Arthur with a countless multitude on account of his wife Gwenhwyfar, whom the aforesaid wicked King had violated and carried off, and brought there for protection, owing to the asylum afforded by the invulnerable position due to the fortifications of thickets of reed, river, and marsh. The rebellious King had searched for the queen throughout the course of one year, and at last heard that she remained there. Thereupon he roused the armies of the whole of Cornubia and Dibneria; war was prepared between the enemies.

When he saw this, the abbot of Glastonia, attended by the clergy and Gildas the Wise, stepped in between the contending armies, and in a peaceable manner advised his King, Melvas, to restore the ravished lady. Accordingly, she who was to be restored, was restored in peace and good will. When these things were done, the two Kings gave the abbot a gift of many domains; and they came to visit the temple of St. Mary and to pray, while the abbot confirmed the beloved brotherhood in return for peace they enjoyed and the benefits which they conferred, and were more abundantly about to confer. Then the Kings reconciled, promising reverently to obey the most venerable abbot of Glastonia, and never violate the most sacred place nor even the districts adjoining the chief’s seat.

When he had obtained permission from the abbot of Glastonia and his clergy and people, the most devout Gildas desired to live a hermit’s life upon the bank of a river close to Glastonia, and he actually accomplished his object. He built a church there in the name of the holy and indivisible Trinity, in which he fasted and prayed assiduously, clad in goat’s hair, giving to all an irreproachable example of a good religious life. Holy men used to visit him from distant parts of Britain, and when advised, returned and cherished with delight the encouragements and counsels they had heard from him.

He fell sick at last, and was weighed down with illness. He summoned the abbot of Glastonia to him, and asked him, with great piety, when the end of his life had come, to cause his body to be borne to the abbey of Glastonia, which he loved exceedingly. When the abbot promised to observe his requests, and was grieved at the requests he had heard, and shed copious tears, St. Gildas, being now very ill, expired, while many were looking at the angelic brightness around his fragrant body, and angels were attending upon his soul. After the mournful words of commemoration were over, the very light body was removed by the brethren into the abbey; and amid very loud wailing and with the most befitting funeral rites, he was buried in the middle of the pavement of St. Mary’s church; and his soul rested, rests, and will rest, in heavenly repose. Amen.

Glastonia was of old called Ynisgutrin, and is still called so by the British inhabitants. Ynis in the British language is insula in Latin, and gutrin (made of glass). But after the coming of the English and the expulsion of the Britons, that is, the Welsh, it received a fresh name, Glastigberi, according to the formation of the first name, that is English glass, Latin vitrum, and beria a city; then Glastinberia, that is, the City of Glass.

Caradoc of Nancarban’s are the words; Who reads, may he correct; so wills the author.

In the so called dialogue of Arthur and Gwenhwyfar545 discussed by Evan Jones and Mary Williams it cannot be established who in fact say’s what. The fact that Melwas may be in Devon or Arthur is there in Devon in disguise, as some believe the poem alludes to…. or Gwenhwyfar has seen one or the other in Devon; it makes no difference:

Gwenhyfar
I have seen a man of moderate size
At Arthur’s long table in Devon
Dealing out wine to his friends

Melwas
Gwenhwyvar of facetious speech
It is woman’s nature to banter:
There it is thou didst me see.

545See Note 8

T ‘The fact that it has Melvas, Arthur, Guinevere, and Devon in this dialogue is indicative that it is a Blois invention. More importantly, Melvas says he is Melwas from Ineswitrin (not Avalon), so, it does not take much imagination to deduce who the author is and why Devon is mentioned. It is because of its link to Ineswitrin on the 601 charter. The 601 charter was found during the researches by Malmesbury and is so important that it starts the main body of evidence supporting Glastonbury’s antiquity in the non-interpolated bulk of the DA. Chivalric Arthur and Guinevere are Henry’s inventions and so is the fact that Melvas kidnapped Guinevere. So, it is fairly obvious that a charter which had remained undiscovered until Malmesbury’s research which mentioned Ineswitrin (in Devon) is now associated with other inventions of Henry Blois indicates that the ‘Dialogue’ is also a Henry Blois invention

We know that the kidnap episode is an invention in which Melvas and Arthur are at Glastonbury; and we know the fabricator of the Life of Gildas which mentions this story is Henry Blois. The one person who is entirely culpable of changing the Devonian island of Ineswitrin into a location at Glastonbury is Henry Blois. Therefore, even if the sense has now been misunderstood, the original ‘dialogue was undoubtedly composed by Henry and the long table obviously preceded the advent of the round table.   

Through the Monk of Ruys’ account of the Life of Gildas, plausibility is set up for the confusion of Gildas’ island being connected to Glastonbury. Neither Caradoc’s account of St. Cadoc, nor the Monk from Ruys’ Life of Gildas, mention Glastonbury or put either of the saints there. After concocting the life of Gildas, Henry, always taking liberties with the truth thinks: why not have Gildas buried at Glastonbury as well?

Henry Blois was in Wales in 1136 as the GS establishes. He must have obtained a copy of Caradoc’s Latin versions of the Vita Cadoci and the unadulterated ‘Chronicle of the Princes’ in Latin. The topography learnt on that trip and the inspiration gleaned from the Vita Cadoci about Arthur was put to good use while Henry was acting as vice regent for his brother Stephen in Normandy in the entire year of 1137 and the first half of 1138. Of course, this is how the Primary Historia was found at Bec the following year only 4 months after Henry had left Normandy and Robert of Torigni had time to read it before recommending it to Huntingdon.

We witnessed in GS that Henry was  giving his own eyewitness description of Wales (missing pages) in early 1136.  Then in GS Stephen chases Baldwin to the Isle of Wight and afterward, Baldwin is exiled and crosses to Normandy. William of Corbeil dies on 21st of November 1136 and Henry Blois becomes Archbishop of Canterbury in waiting.  Orderic informs us that in Advent of 1136 Henry Blois went to Normandy and was content to stay there while he sent envoys to search out pope Innocent at Pisa.

We know also from Gervaise that Henry: was elected metropolitan. But since by cannon law a bishop can only be translated from his own see to another church by the authority of the pope…546Henry gets way laid and Stephen then joins Henry in Normandy from mid-March until the 28th of November 1137.547  Stephen departed from his brother in Normandy and Henry still thought that when he would return to England he would be Archbishop of Canterbury.

546Gervaise of Canterbury

547Gesta Stepani. Potter and Davis p.46

It was while Henry was still in Normandy and after Stephen had returned to England that the backstabbing Beaumont twins counselled Stephen to curb Henry’s increasing power. Waleran of Meulan, the lay patron of Bec was attempting to put his own man in the second most powerful position in England. Waleran and his twin brother Robert, Earl of Leicester, were Henry’s chief rivals for Stephen’s favour. Henry looked on them as unreliable toady flatterers.  Both were disliked by Henry Blois intensely. Probably not by coincidence Theobald of Bec travelled to England in 1138 to supervise the monastery of Bec’s lands in England; a trip which took place shortly before his selection as the new Archbishop of Canterbury in 1138.

So, before Christmas in 1136 (after having been in Wales at Kidwelly) Henry crossed the channel and stayed all of 1137 in Normandy on his brother’s behalf to quell the Angevin strife in Normandy stirred up by Baldwin and the Empress. It is in Normandy during this period that the Arthurian legend is spliced onto an already constructed pseudo Historia which had originally been written for Henry’s uncle and his daughter Matilda (but subsequently had become redundant as his brother had usurped the throne).

Henry stays at Bec abbey in the first half of 1138 where he deposits his Primary Historia under the newly invented nom de plume of ‘Galfridus Artur’. At this stay at Bec, we might speculate that Henry Blois relates to Theobald (still abbot of Bec at that time) what plans he has in store for the English Church once he becomes Archbishop.

As I have mentioned before, it was Henry’s intention to set up a state based on Gregorian values with himself head of the church. It seems just too coincidental that Theobald becomes Henry’s replacement and that Theobald did not have something to do with Henry being snubbed by King Stephen for that position. The question is: did Theobald scupper Henry’s plans by relating to Stephen (through Waleran) some confidence or other which Henry had discussed with Theobald in relation to Henry’s future plans? If this is the case, it might explain the coincidence that Theobald was duly rewarded with the Archbishopric.

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